27. Mr. President, on behalf of the Japanese delegation, I extend my heartiest congratulations to you on your assumption of the Presidency of the General Assembly of the United Nations at its twenty-second session. Your profound knowledge and competence have become especially well known among the Japanese people since your very welcome visit to Japan last June. I confidently expect that you, as the first President of the General Assembly elected from Eastern Europe, will perform your duties giving such wise and fair guidance that this General Assembly will achieve significant successes and thus contribute to the furtherance of cooperation and harmony among nations.
28. May I take this opportunity also to express my deep gratitude to the former President of the Assembly, Mr. Abdul Rahman Pazhwak. It is my great pleasure to say that Mr. Pazhwak. who, as we know, presided over the twenty-first session of the General Assembly, the fifth special session and the fifth emergency special session, demonstrated exemplary leadership during a very grave and difficult period for the United Nations. He thus helped tide us over many difficulties and further enhance the prestige of our Organization.
29. I also wish to pay the deep respects of the Japanese delegation to the Secretary-General, U Thant. I particularly appreciate the Secretary-General's zeal and devoted efforts for the maintenance of world peace. I hope that the Secretary-General will continue as before to deal with our various problems with courage and resolution based on deep consideration and wide consultation, and contribute further to maintaining the authority of our Organization.
30. Since its inception in response to the yearning desire of mankind for world peace, the United Nations has lived through more than twenty years of meaningful history. Seeking ways always to avoid the calamity of a great war and to promote the general welfare of mankind, it has performed a valuable role which none of us should fail to appreciate. We can fully understand this to be a fact of history if we only visualize what the world situation might well have been had the United Nations not existed at all. In the light of this consideration, surely we should endeavour to develop and strengthen the present United Nations into a more perfect Organization.
31. We are now entering the last third of the twentieth century. Both the first and second thirds of this century were marred by disastrous world wars, Should a new world war break out in the last third of this century, it would inevitably be a nuclear war spelling the destruction of all mankind. The great and solemn responsibility that we, the living, bear to future generations is to save the last third of the twentieth century from nuclear tragedy and to ensure that the doors to the twenty-first century, which holds out unlimited possibilities for the well-being of mankind, will open to an era of true world peace.
32. In order to discharge this responsibility, we must be fully aware that we are now living under the threat of nuclear warfare, that we are citizens of one world sharing a common destiny, that we are all, as it were, passengers in the same boat. At the same time, we must squarely face the stern reality of the existence of various causes which could ignite a world war and, with cognizance of the danger, make every effort to eliminate these potential seeds of war. In order to achieve this purpose, we must, first of all, move forward towards the ultimate objective of general and complete disarmament in both nuclear and conventional weapons, starting with the prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests and the prevention of the proliferation of such weapons, This calls for true international co-operation among all States.
33. Secondly, local disputes which could spread into a world conflict must be resolved without delay by peaceful means, so as to nip in the bud such causes of general war. In this sense, it is a matter of the utmost urgency that the armed conflicts in Viet-Nam and the Middle East be brought to an early settlement.
34. Thirdly, international co-operation for the elimination of poverty, ignorance and disease must be vigorously promoted. Further assistance from the developed to the developing countries is essential to adjust the economic disparities among nations.
35. The three points I have just mentioned cover the measures which the Japanese delegation considers to be indispensable to building and maintaining a secure world peace.
36. I should now like to dwell a moment on the question of the prevention of nuclear war. In order to prevent a nuclear disaster, there is a compelling need for all of us, realizing that we are citizens of this shrinking world and sharing a common stake, to eliminate the danger of nuclear weapons ever being used, by promoting better mutual trust and understanding among nations, and by thus bringing about an easing of world tensions.
37. In this regard, it is of the utmost importance to control nuclear weapons themselves. My Government thus subscribes to the spirit of the treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, now attracting the attention of the world. It is quite clear that the further spread of these weapons would only increase the danger of nuclear wars and jeopardize world peace. I am very glad to note that, after long and assiduous efforts by the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, a draft treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons has finally been submitted to the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament in Geneva for concrete deliberations.
38. To attain the objective of this treaty, it is most important to ensure the participation of as many countries as possible, in particular all the nuclear-weapon and all the non-nuclear-weapon States with nuclear capabilities. I also consider it necessary for both the nuclear-weapon and the non-nuclear-weapon States to share equally and in a co-operative spirit the responsibilities and obligations involved.
39. From this point of view, I earnestly hope that some measures, which might be set forth, for example, in the form of a United Nations resolution, will be taken by the nuclear States to guarantee the nonnuclear States — especially those pursuing a policy of non-alignment — against attack or threat of attack by nuclear weapons.
40. Also of paramount importance is the question of nuclear disarmament. Inasmuch as the non-proliferation treaty aims at a world without nuclear wars and the furtherance of human security and welfare, it is not enough merely to curb the increase in number of the nuclear-weapon States. Upon the conclusion of that treaty, the nuclear States themselves should clearly express their intention to start taking concrete measures, beginning with whatever is feasible, for the realization of nuclear disarmament, the ultimate aim being the demolition of all nuclear weapons. Should that treaty end up as a mere device to establish a nuclear monopoly by the present nuclear States, then it would completely lose its moral basis.
41. Furthermore, the total prohibition of all nuclear-weapon tests is also an important aspect of the nuclear disarmament question. It would not only contribute to nuclear disarmament as such, but it would also be an effective measure to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. In all efforts to prevent nuclear weapon tests, including the so-called "detection club", my Government is prepared to extend positive support and co-operation.
42. Meanwhile, I strongly hope that both the People's Republic of China and France will heed and respond to the common desire of humanity by showing a cooperative attitude towards the partial test-ban Treaty of 1963 and the non-proliferation treaty.
43. There should be no loop-holes in the treaty. However, the peaceful use of nuclear energy offers limitless possibilities for future human welfare. The treaty, therefore, should not obstruct the sharing by all parties of equal opportunities to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, nor should it hamper research and development of nuclear energy for such purposes. There must be assurance that the nonnuclear States will not be placed at a disadvantage regarding the peaceful use of nuclear energy. At the same time, I strongly hope that the nuclear States, which have greater advantages in research and development, will be forthcoming in making their knowledge available to other States so that the treaty would serve as a prime mover of international cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. I hope the Member States of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament will pay serious attention to the various observations which will no doubt be expressed by many delegations in the present session of the General Assembly, and that they will make further efforts for the realization of a just and equitable treaty. My Government is ready to co-operate fully and in a constructive spirit in international endeavours to achieve disarmament. That we may contribute more effectively to this purpose, my Government desires an opportunity to join other nations as an active participant in international organizations dealing with disarmament questions.
44. I should now like to express the views of the Japanese delegation on the principal problems, as we see them, confronting the various areas of our present world.
45. In Viet-Nam, the tragic loss of human lives and the destruction of property are going on relentlessly, without any prospect of a peaceful solution in sight. Japan, as a member of the Asian community, is deeply pained by the course of the conflict. I earnestly hope that all parties concerned will enter into talks as soon as possible in the high cause of humanity and peace.
46. Surely, neither of the parties wishes to prolong the conflict indefinitely. But fighting continues. If it is carried on in the expectation that the adversary would surrender in the due course of time, I would say that that is unrealistic thinking. The actual situation is such that it does not allow such optimism. Is it not time for the world to stop arguing that one side is right and the other wrong and in unison call upon the parties now locked in combat to move together towards the conference table? The conflict now raging, unless halted, contains the danger of further expansion. But if peace is to be realized, both parties must move in that direction. Is it not possible for both parties to find some points on which they can come together in order to pave the way for a peaceful solution? I believe that, as a first step, all the parties directly concerned should stop fighting and enter Into talks on the basis and in the spirit of the Geneva Agreements of 1954. There seems to be no way to a peaceful settlement other than an arrangement to ensure the coexistence of South Viet-Nam and North Viet-Nam under some form of international guarantee and thus enable the eventual withdrawal of all foreign troops from the area. Once the situation becomes stable, the future of Viet-Nam should be left to the Viet-Namese people itself. In order to find the threads to such a peaceful settlement, it is necessary most of all for the parties concerned to establish informal contacts between each other. Towards that end, Japan wishes to help in every way possible.
47. In this connexion I should like to pay high tribute to the Secretary-General for his sincere and arduous efforts to bring about a peaceful solution of the conflict in Viet-Nam. It is only natural that the United Nations, as an international peace-keeping organization, should be deeply interested in the question of peace in Viet-Nam. The United Nations Is not a place for exchanging invective. I trust this Organization Is upheld as a world forum for constructive discussions in the common quest for peace to a climate conducive for the parties engaged in the conflict to come together.
48. An early solution of this conflict is necessary not only from the humanitarian point of view, but also because of the critical situation in Asia. In mainland China, the "Great Cultural Revolution", as it is called, is now in progress, and in such a manner that it is very difficult to forecast its outcome. That country is also making rapid progress in the development of nuclear weapons. Under these circumstances, if the People's Republic of China should perchance adopt a policy of force towards its neighbours with the intensification of the Viet-Nam conflict, Asia will face a grave situation fraught with extreme danger. Therein lies the urgent need for a prompt and peaceful solution of the conflict in Viet-Nam.
49. I have been closely following developments in South Viet-Nam since the recent elections. That is because I believe it is the desire of the people of that country to bring about a truly stable and democratic government through those elections and because I also believe that those elections may provide an opportunity for further steps towards an early termination of the conflict. It is the unanimous and very earnest desire of the Japanese people to see peace restored in Viet-Nam as soon as possible. The Japanese Government, therefore, desirous of the earliest possible restoration of peace, wishes to express its intention to exert every effort to that end.
50. There is no problem in Asia today that can be discussed independently of the question of China. We may well say that the China question is the key problem in Asia. One of the most important aspects of the question is the fact that the Republic of China in Taiwan and the People's Republic of China on the mainland, persistent in their conflicting positions, continue to confront each other. While in a sense this is a problem for the Chinese people to resolve, it is not their problem alone. It is actually an international problem of great complexity and far-reaching implications, affecting the peace and security of Asia and of the world.
51. That the question of Chinese representation in the United Nations remains an old, yet always new, issue is because of the complex and difficult nature of the China question itself. Unless the basic problem — the China problem — itself is completely resolved, we should not expect a full and satisfactory solution of the question of Chinese representation.
52. The Japanese Government has consistently taken the position that any proposal to change the representation of China is an "important question", under Article 18 of the Charter. We have not taken this position as a means of excluding the People's Republic of China from the United Nations. In fact, we have taken it because we are convinced that a proposal with such far-reaching implications cannot be treated as a mere procedural matter which may he decided either way by a simple majority. My Government firmly believes that this question is an important one which, like the problem of the Middle East and that of South West Africa and many other problems which are dealt with by the General Assembly, requires a two-thirds majority for decision.
53. One of the gravest international incidents in recent months was the aggravation of the conflict in the Middle East. It is deeply regrettable that the long-standing unstable relations between the Arab States and Israel again resulted in a renewal of hostilities. Thanks to the timely measures taken by the Security Council and also to the self-restraint of the parties concerned, a cease-fire has been effected. Nevertheless, the Israeli occupation of Arab lands still continues; and an international waterway vitally important for world trade remains closed. These and other related problems are unsolved and tension dominates the area.
54. The threat or use of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of any State runs counter to the Charter of the United Nations. My country firmly upholds the position that no aggrandizement of territory by means of the fait accompli of occupation is admissible. It is said by some that the fifth emergency special session produced little tangible result in solving the problem of the Middle East; but it is a fact that all Member States are anxious to see an equitable solution of the problem on the basis of justice and reason. Israeli forces should withdraw from the occupied areas without delay, but, at the same time, a lasting peace should be firmly established in the Middle East. I appeal strongly to all the disputing parties to heed the current of world opinion and draw close to one another with a view to achieving a just solution. My heartfelt sympathy goes to the Arab refugees for the hardships now afflicting them; and I earnestly urge that effective measures be taken as soon as possible for their relief.
55. To solve the Middle East problem there is need for direct talks between the parties concerned. Nevertheless, I would stress that the good offices of a third party to open the way to such talks would not only be useful, but necessary. Every possible means of attaining a peaceful solution should be explored, but in view of the historical background of the problem of the Middle East, my Government believes that whatever solution may be reached should eventually be approved by the United Nations and that the United Nations should continue to be responsible for implementing the solution. Furthermore, in the light of the important role hitherto played by the United Nations in the Middle East, we believe that any suggestion for strengthening the peace-keeping functions of the United Nations in the area deserves careful consideration.
56. The independence of many African nations and their dynamic emergence are remarkable developments which characterize history since the Second World War. Japan fully understands the aspirations of these newly independent nations and deeply sympathizes with them in their continuing efforts to carve out their future on their own will and by their own hands. Japan has endeavoured to promote friendly and co-operative relations with these countries on a bilateral basis; it has also co-operated with them within the framework of the United Nations when dealing with various African questions. I sincerely hope that these new States, having cast off the colonial yoke of many bygone centuries, will make steady progress in their nation-building and will achieve the stability and the prosperity which they all seek to enjoy.
57. The problems of southern Africa pose extreme difficulties because of their historical background and perplexing nature. But at the heart there lies, I believe, the issue of racial discrimination. Thus, first of all, I appeal to those countries which administer southern Africa to realize that basic justice demands the abolition of racial discrimination and that the granting of independence to colonial Territories is the inevitable course of history, I appeal to them to have the courage to reconsider their policies and to align themselves with all the other members of the international community.
58. On the other hand, I also firmly reject the attitude that the end justifies the means, that force may be used to achieve that end. The United Nations should rightly be used as a forum for consultation and persuasion, not for condemnation and denunciation. The real solution of such grave and difficult problems can only be attained through the understanding, patience and co-operation of all countries concerned. The United Nations, under the principles of the abolition of racial discrimination and the independence of colonial Territories, should on its part make every effort to create an international climate that would be conducive to the kind of solution I have mentioned.
59. On the question of South West Africa, the fifth special session of the General Assembly adopted [resolution 2248 (S-V)] the joint proposal of the Afro-Asian and Latin American countries. I sincerely hope that the Government of the Republic of South Africa will recognize the competence and responsibility of the United Nations over the Territory of South West Africa and provide the necessary basis making it possible to discuss this question, so as to pave the way for the solution of this question.
60. On Southern Rhodesia, the Security Council adopted last December a resolution [232 (1966)] providing for economic sanctions against that Territory, and Japan is continuing to make every effort to achieve the purpose of that resolution in all sincerity. It would not be appropriate for us to conclude that the past actions of the United Nations have failed simply because the results achieved by the economic sanctions have so far been negligible. Japan earnestly hopes that the present abnormal situation in Southern Rhodesia will be settled peacefully as soon as possible.
61. So far, I have spoken at some length on the question of peace-keeping. I should now like to turn to the question of economic development, which in essence is the building of a foundation for peace. Stabilization of the livelihood and improvement of the welfare of people in the developing regions of the world are not only urgently required as such, but by removing the latent causes of conflict in these regions they contribute towards building a lasting peace.
62. Especially in Asia, plagued today by a host of difficult problems, it is essential, if peace and stability are to be secured in the area, to push forward vigorously with economic and social development. Asia has the largest population in the world. According to United Nations statistics, there are a number of countries in the area where the per capita national income is still below $100, In my view, it is not realistic to hope for peace and stability in Asia without first improving the sorry state of poverty there. The problem of development in these countries is not merely an economic or social question. Indeed it should be understood as a problem of building peace in Asia.
63. In Asia, regional co-operation for economic development is being actively promoted. A number of new organizations have been established for the purpose. These are indicative of the desire of Asians to achieve their common objective of overcoming poverty by their own efforts. We heartily welcome those efforts.
64. We all know that the prime prerequisite to development in developing countries is self-help and co-operation within the region. But at the same time there is necessarily a certain limit as to how much the developing countries can do for themselves, for development requires enormous capital and many kinds of modern technologies. Thus, aid from developed countries outside the region is also necessary. Unless these three factors, namely, self-help, regional cooperation and outside co-operation, are combined to function in harmony, the optimum results cannot be achieved.
65. At this juncture, I am constrained to point out that, partly because of its large population, Asia receives a smaller proportion of international aid compared to the other developing regions. The per capita amount of aid delivered to the developing regions during 1965 was $4,20 for Latin America and $6 for Africa, as compared to only $3,30 for Asia. For eight United Nations member countries in South-East Asia, the aid figure was even lower — a mere $1,60.
66. Japan, although beset with various difficulties at home, is doing its utmost to promote trade with the developing countries and also to strengthen its aid efforts to them in the firm belief that promotion of the development of these countries relates directly to the peace and prosperity of the entire world. The so-called "develop-and-import" schemes to increase our imports of primary products from developing countries; our pledges and contributions to the Asian Development Bank, the Agricultural Development Fund and other international organizations; substantial expansion of our bilateral financial and technical assistance programmes; our contributions to food aid programmes: these all represent our expanding efforts in the field of economic co-operation, and it is our determination to continue to strengthen our cooperation through both trade and aid.
67. At the same time, it is our earnest hope that the developed countries, in particular those in the Pacific area having direct concern with the stability and prosperity of Asia, will redouble their efforts to assist the development of the area. The time has come to tackle the problem of development of the Asian countries on an Asia-Pacific basis with a view to broadening the scope of mutual co-operation and strengthening solidarity among the nations of that great region. We, on our part, as an industrialized nation situated at the contact point between the Asian and Pacific areas, will make our utmost contribution to establish a long-lasting, co-operative relationship between them.
68. The acceleration of economic development is not a problem of Asia alone. It is this century's foremost challenge to the world as a whole. That the United Nations, having designated the sixties as the United Nations Development Decade, is making serious efforts in this regard, is a matter of great historic significance. Nearly eight years of the Development Decade are already behind us. In the course of this period, thanks to the efforts of the member countries, steady progress has been achieved. We see this in the establishment of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the United Nations Industrial Development Organization and the World Food Programme, and the expansion of the technical assistance programmes of the United Nations.
69. Yet for these important steps, the objectives of the Development Decade are far from being realized. There are cries of disappointment and dissatisfaction. But economic development, it must be remembered, is a vast undertaking that cannot be limited to just a decade but must be extended into the seventies and even beyond with determination and perseverance. What is required, therefore, is full co-operation between the developed and the developing countries in the search for truly effective means of development.
70. In this respect, I, for one, earnestly desire the developed countries to do their best to promote trade with the developing countries and to increase their development assistance. At the same time, I wish to appeal to the developing countries to make further efforts to consolidate the foundations for effective regional and international economic co-operation, in full recognition of the fact that the success of economic and social development depends primarily on the internal efforts of the aid-receiving countries themselves in such fields as the formulation of sound development programmes and mobilization of domestic resources.
71. In this regard, I place great importance on the coming second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. I am confident that, with a spirit of mutual understanding and cooperation among the participating countries, the meeting will be crowned with constructive achievements. My Government is determined to take an active part in the Conference.
72. I have expressed the views of my delegation on a number of important current issues, keeping in mind the fundamental objective of mankind to build and maintain peace. Finally, I should like to touch upon the present state of the United Nations and the problem of how best we can strengthen the Organization as the central agency for the pursuit of this fundamental objective.
73. Today, more than twenty years after the inception of the United Nations, various assessments and criticisms are being made about this Organization, Indeed, it may be said that the time has now come for a re-examination of the United Nations. Admittedly there is a certain limit to its capacity to settle disputes, as we see in the case of the armed conflict in Viet-Nam and the Middle East. Nevertheless, it is also a fact, as I mentioned at the beginning of my statement, that the present world situation might very will have been much more unstable than it is, had it not been for the existence of the United Nations.
74. While being cognizant of the shortcomings of the United Nations as such, is it not the responsibility of the Member States to see how we can best correct its weaknesses and how we can best strengthen its peace-keeping and peace-building functions? If United Nations machinery is found to be inadequate, then it is necessary and possible to subject the Charter to a re-examination at an appropriate time. No matter how hard we try to perfect our machinery and its operation, real improvement cannot be expected unless accompanied by change in the attitude and way of thinking of the Member States towards the United Nations.
75. What else would be left as a world peacekeeping organization should the United Nations become completely powerless? Is it not our high duty to endeavour to develop and strengthen the United Nations? Is it not essential for this purpose that every representative in this world body should take part in the work of the Organization, not merely in pursuit of his national interest, but rather in defence of the common interest of humanity, being fully aware of his dual responsibility as a delegate of mankind as well as that of his nation?
76. Is it not also our important duty to inculcate in the younger generation a sense of the common interest of mankind in maintaining peace and attaining prosperity throughout the world? From this point of view, I have been closely following the activities of the Peace Corps now being sponsored by many countries. The Peace Corps, as it is called, is an international service undertaking aimed at the social and economic development of the developing countries. No less important Is the fact that the personal contacts established by it help to strengthen the mutual understanding among peoples and contribute towards the promotion of international friendship and cooperation. As a centre for harmonizing the efforts of nations in the building of world peace, could not the United Nations play a central role in advancing the concept of the Peace Corps? Would it not be most fitting for the United Nations to promote such international co-operation by young people, united in the common purpose of building world peace and inspired by the sense of being citizens of the world community as well as nationals of their own countries?
77. One of the principal objectives of Japan's foreign policy, ever since its admission to the United Nations, has been to co-operate with, to support and to strengthen this Organization. We have exerted our best efforts in this direction and we shall continue to do so in the future.
78. Mr. President, I firmly believe that, under your wise leadership, an active and frank exchange of views on the various important problems of the day will take place at the present session, and that that exchange will help to expedite their solution. I earnestly hope for the day when the United Nations will become a truly effective peace-keeping body to which we can fully entrust the peace and security of the world. As I conclude my statement, I should like to reiterate my faith in the good will of the nations and in their ardent desire for peace, and my great hope in the future of this Organization.