80. Mr. President, joining with the eminent speakers who have preceded me at this rostrum, I wish to extend to you the warmest and most sincere congratulations of my delegation and of the Turkish Government on your election to the Presidency of the General Assembly. The warm support you have received on that occasion is eloquent proof of the confidence placed in you by this Organization at a particularly serious moment in world developments.
81. The attention of the entire world is once again turned to this Assembly, which is being called upon at its current session to examine some extremely difficult problems of world peace and security. I feel sure that your high qualifications as a statesman and your experience, which I had occasion to appreciate at first hand in international affairs, guarantee the success of our deliberations. As a neighbouring country, Turkey has observed with appreciation your efforts to consolidate peace in the Balkans and to promote co-operation among the countries of that region. I should like to express to you my sincere wishes for the accomplishment of your difficult task by assuring you of the full co-operation of the Turkish delegation.
82. I am also happy to pay tribute to the outgoing President, the eminent representative of Afghanistan, Ambassador Abdul Rahman Pazhwak, who presided with wisdom over our labours during a very full year. I believe that I express the feelings of all Members of this Organization when I say that Mr. Pazhwak’s untiring efforts will be recalled with gratitude and admiration in the annals of the United Nations.
83. Despite the various difficulties it has encountered up to now, our Organization remains the sole hope of mankind, which more than ever is aspiring to the attainment of international peace and security. Even those who from time to time harbour doubts as to the effectiveness of the United Nations cannot but admit that in the end the very existence of such an organization, embodying the conscience of humanity and world public opinion, has a beneficial influence on international relations. It is our responsibility if the Organization suffers from imperfections and inefficiency, since we ourselves created it; and it is up to us to find the means of restoring its prestige. One of the means of accomplishing this would in our opinion be to concentrate our efforts on the problems on which the United Nations can achieve some notable progress.
84. Peace-keeping operations constitute such a promising area. True, no positive developments have occurred in this field since last year. Nevertheless, we must not allow ourselves to be discouraged by that state of affairs; on the contrary, it should stimulate us to tackle vigorously the various aspects of peace-keeping operations, and in particular the political, constitutional and financial aspects. Once those obstacles are out of the Way, the United Nations would be equipped with permanent machinery through which it could put down conflicts by reasonable and appropriate means, while seeking permanent solutions.
85. While we are meeting here, mankind is being faced with serious problems. One of the basic questions we shall have to consider during the present session is without doubt the situation in the Middle East. It is regrettable that in the course of the emergency special session held this summer we were unable to arrive at the adoption of a resolution on this matter. Such a resolution, by expressing the general feeling of the Assembly and world public opinion, could have contributed to the improvement of the conditions which have prevailed in that region since June. In the absence of such a resolution, not only has there been no progress towards the restoration of peace, but some positions have hardened and the faits accomplis brought about by the military operations have persisted in a dangerous way, It is becoming increasingly clear that the United Nations should at the least assert its moral authority and indicate the general principles which must guide the actions of the parties to the dispute.
86. When I spoke during the fifth emergency special session [1532nd meeting], I suggested that a distinction should be made between short-term and long-term problems. Over a shorter period, the basic question is to ensure the withdrawal of Israel forces from the territories they have occupied, while taking steps to remedy the situations which brought about the June crisis. That could contribute not only to eliminating present tension and confrontation, but would also create a better atmosphere for the efforts to establish a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. Then, in the long term, our duty would be to reach a general settlement of all problems In the area, in conformity with justice and equity.
87. That position still seems to us the most realistic and the most appropriate. It would be inadvisable to attempt to settle all problems at once, and to set as a condition the opening of negotiations to that end. Present-day political realities do not permit of a general settlement in the near future. Only a restoration of confidence will enable us gradually to work towards the final goal.
88. If it continues to adopt an unyielding attitude in the matter, Israel will put itself in the position of a country trying to perpetuate the advantages it has gained through the use of force. We believe that that attitude would be prejudicial not only to the cause of peace, but also to the true interests of Israel. Israel has always maintained that its desire was to live in peace with its neighbours in respect for independence and its territorial integrity. How can it now reconcile that expressed wish with its refusal to withdraw from the territories it has occupied, with the unilateral measures it has adopted in Jerusalem, with its actions in the territories it is occupying, with its intransigent attitude on the refugee question and with the territorial demands it is making?
89. I must repeat that, for our part, we cannot accept the acquisition of territories or political advantages through the use of force. We cannot allow faits accomplis to become bases for the settlement of disputes. That attitude is in conformity with the baste principles which have always formed the foundation of our foreign policy. As a country of this area, it is natural that we should show a special interest in the security and peace of the Middle East. Threats to the independence and territorial integrity of the countries of the region and the use of force in the settlement of disputes would serve neither the Middle East nor world peace.
90. With regard to the Arab countries, we rejoice to see that they are acting in a constructive spirit which leaves the door open to an improvement in the situation. The Arab countries have shown proof of their desire to promote a political settlement of the problems created by the armed conflict of last June. They are being reproached for wanting simply to return to the conditions which prevailed before 5 June 1967. But that is not the basic question. The fact is that the Arab countries have given proof of goodwill, realism and flexibility, and if that spirit could be reciprocated it would undoubtedly serve to bring an end to the political deadlock which has until now barred the opportunities for a peaceful settlement.
91. Therefore, it is high time to direct our attention to that difficult and complex problem and to act, above all, with realism and objectivity. We must admit that progress in this area will depend not only on the will of the parties to the conflict, but also on the efforts put forth by all of us to contribute to an honourable settlement. Furthermore, it is undeniable that the permanent members of the Security Council, especially those most directly involved, have an important role to play.
92. All roads and possibilities for a settlement should be explored within the United Nations. The principles, procedures and institutions provided by the Charter are certainly sufficient for settling the problem. It is up to us to apply them with courage and perseverance, not only for the restoration of peace in the Middle East, but also for the re-establishment of United Nations prestige.
93. In the meantime, I should like once again to point to two aspects of the Middle East situation which give us serious concern.
94. First, there is the question of Jerusalem. We deeply regret that Israel has not seen fit to comply with the resolutions [2253 (ES-V) and 2254 (ES-V)] adopted by the General Assembly. We should like to stress once again that the status of Jerusalem is a question which goes beyond the framework of the Israel-Arab conflict. It is in any case a question which very closely concerns a large number of countries and one which is being followed attentively by world public opinion.
95. Second, we cannot remain indifferent to the tragic fate of the Arab refugees, whose number has grown considerably as a result of the war. It is absolutely essential to consider this humanitarian problem apart from the political problem of the Middle East, and to take all necessary steps to alleviate the sufferings of these unfortunate people.
96. Turkey has always felt sympathy for those Arab refugees. It has done its best to help them within the means at its disposal and has made it its duty to lend them assistance.
97. The war in Viet-Nam continues to pose a serious threat to world peace and stability. The various initiatives taken with a view to finding a common area of agreement for the opening of negotiations have not, unfortunately, met with success. But that situation must not dishearten those who wish to see an end to that tragic war, which has already gone on far too long. We must not forget that the war is by no means helping to solve the problem. It may, on the contrary, set off a general conflagration whose outcome would he difficult to foresee. If mankind is to be saved from such a peril, every effort must be made to bring the parties concerned to the conference table. Indeed, experience in recent years has shown that the only way to break out of the vicious circle created in Viet-Nam is to be found in negotiation, as was the case at Geneva in 1954. Any initiative aimed at bringing about a peaceful settlement to this conflict must therefore be encouraged and supported by all the Members of the United Nations, It is in that spirit that we were heartened by Mr. Goldberg's statement [1562nd meeting].
98. Another conflict constituting a constant threat to peace in Asia is the Kashmir problem, which for twenty years has set Pakistan and India against each other, It is to be regretted that that latent conflict has for so many years prevented those two great countries from living in harmony and from uniting their efforts for the well-being of their peoples, as well as for the consolidation of peace in Asia. We devoutly hope that wisdom and common sense may triumph, and that an area of agreement may be found so that this conflict separating the two countries can be brought to an end. We continue to hope that it will he possible to arrive at an agreed and equitable solution in line with the relevant Security Council resolutions.
99. The problems which continue to disturb the peace and remain unresolved unfortunately include that of Cyprus which, since 1963, has been a serious cause of tension and strife in the Mediterranean area. An unstable peace is being maintained on the island thanks to the presence of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus, which is endeavouring with skill and with limited means to prevent fighting and to ease the frictions which constantly arise between the two communities. The tragic events which have occurred in the Middle East have proved to us, if proof were needed, how much such a presence is necessary. Without that United Nations Force, a vacuum would immediately be created, and that state of affairs would be bound to lead to an increase in tension and to even more serious developments. It is therefore with a full appreciation of the role played by that force that I should like, on behalf of my Government, to renew my thanks to all the countries which have placed their contingents at the disposal of the United Nations and which are contributing to the voluntary financing of that Force. I must also add that we are grateful to our Secretary-General for the interest he continues to show with regard to this question and the situation on the island, as well as to his distinguished representative, Mr. Osorio-Tafall, and to the Force Commander, General Martola, who are striving unceasingly to maintain peace in Cyprus.
100. The situation in Cyprus has not improved since last year. During the last session, I stressed in this Assembly [1422nd meeting] the need for a return to normal conditions in order to promote the search for a peaceful solution and in order to enable the Turkish community to lead a life free from threats and pressures. Despite the efforts of the United Nations authorities in Cyprus, the situation on the island is far from satisfactory, Nevertheless, in the absence of a solution, the improvement of the situation on the island remains a pressing need if we wish to prevent a worsening of the conflict. Of course, that improvement must be brought about within the framework of the prevailing situation and nothing in it should in any way prejudice an eventual solution of the problem. Measures that might have such political aims would not be of a nature to contribute to normalizing the situation, but might on the contrary increase mistrust.
101. With regard to the search for an agreed and peaceful solution, Turkey has in this area shown irrefutable evidence of its good faith and sincerity. It has constantly and unambiguously stated that it remains firmly and resolutely opposed to the use of force in reaching a settlement. It will hold to that position while continuing to fulfil its contractual and moral obligations to the Turkish community. We have always advocated negotiations, and we have entered into them with the greatest goodwill every time an occasion has arisen. It is in that spirit that we have undertaken talks with Greece aimed at promoting the search for a solution acceptable to all parties concerned. Although these contacts have enabled both sides better to understand each other's positions and views, it has proved impossible to arrive at a common understanding.
102. For our part, we shall always do all in our power to reach a just and peaceful settlement. Our attitude on this subject has always been clear. We devoutly hope for a settlement which, based on the treaties governing the status of Cyprus, can reconcile the legitimate interests of the parties concerned and enable the two communities to live and work together in peace, security, respect for each other's separate identities and historic rights, and in mutual trust.
103. We consider that a solution might be worked out on the line of those general principles, provided that neither party persists in advocating set and rigid formulas.
104. It is comforting to note that beyond this sombre list of problems and conflicts there have been other developments which give rise to some optimism.
105. The most encouraging evidence of progress has been the easing of tensions between East and West. That trend, desired by the great majority of the international community, will be an important factor in stabilizing international relations. As part of that trend, contacts between all the European countries are rapidly increasing, and trade and cultural exchanges are expanding in a satisfactory manner. While it is true that the European countries are acting with a better spirit of understanding and are endeavouring to eliminate as far as possible the barriers separating them, it is also very true that the differences dividing East and West remain. Problems such as the reunification of Germany have not been solved. We believe that the German people has the undeniable right freely to ensure its unification, and we hope that that problem will be resolved in the best conditions of security for all European countries.
106. We are pleased to note that considerable progress appears to have been made in the field of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. The identical draft treaties submitted to the Committee of Eighteen by the United States and Soviet Governments are not perhaps drawn up in such a way as to meet all the criteria set forth in General Assembly resolution 2028 (XX). But we must bear in mind that the draft treaties proposed by the United States and Soviet Governments are the result of lengthy discussions which entailed certain concessions on both sides. What appears to us essential in this matter is to conclude as quickly as possible a treaty which will effectively ensure the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. The objections to particular aspects of the problem raised by a number of countries, such as the balancing of obligations and responsibilities between nuclear and non-nuclear countries, the extension of international control to include the peaceful nuclear activities of the nuclear countries, the safeguards against nuclear aggression or the threat of such aggression to be accorded non-nuclear countries — all these objections are certainly understandable and legitimate. They should be given full consideration in any discussion, but they should not be allowed to delay the conclusion of the non-proliferation treaty.
107. We consider that we must increase our cooperation to bring about an agreement which would meet the minimum requirements, namely, effective control and universal accession. In our view, the principles of supervision and universality should constitute the basic conditions of any non-proliferation treaty. Effective control is essential to protect the vital interests of countries against any secret violation. Similarly, the accession of all countries to such a treaty would largely dispel the fears that signatory countries might legitimately entertain with regard to countries which refused to accede to it.
108. Through its untiring efforts, the United Nations has greatly contributed to speeding up the process of decolonization. I am convinced, and I know that my conviction is shared by all of you, that the United Nations will have attained truly universal status only when colonialism has completely disappeared and that its task of promoting respect for the fundamental human rights will only then be fulfilled, It is true that we have come a long way, but it is just as true that there are still difficult problems to be resolved in that field. We trust that the total eradication of colonialism will be achieved in the near future and that the administering countries will conscientiously carry out their task of preparing the peoples under their administration and of guiding them towards independence as quickly as possible.
109. Turkey, which was one of the sponsors of the resolution [1514 (XV)] containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, is prepared as always to support the efforts of nations towards the implementation of that resolution.
110. Today, the African continent finds itself faced once again with serious problems. In the opinion of my delegation, those problems concern not only Africans, but the whole international community. That is why we must endeavour in every way to find just and practical solutions to the problems of the African continent. Experience has plainly shown us that the solutions put forward — even though they may have seemed satisfactory to us — have not been effective without the full support of the international community.
111. Among these problems, the situation in the Territory of South West Africa continues to be of serious concern to my delegation.
112. Mindful of its responsibilities, the General Assembly adopted two resolutions [2145 (XXI) and 2248 (S-V)] under which the Mandate conferred on the Government of the Republic of South Africa was terminated, the Territory of South West Africa was henceforth to come under the direct responsibility of our Organization, a United Nations Council for South West Africa was set up to administer the Territory until its accession to complete independence and the Acting United Nations High Commissioner for South West Africa was appointed. It is unfortunate that instead of co-operating with our Organization, the South African Government has seen fit to give a negative reply to the Council's request. In so doing, that Government has taken upon itself a very heavy responsibility. If I have dwelt on this question, it is because Turkey, as a member of the Council set up under General Assembly resolution 2248 (S-V), is fully aware of its responsibilities towards the population of that Territory.
113. The crisis in Southern Rhodesia, which has grown more pronounced since the unilateral declaration of independence of the minority regime now in power, still continues to be of concern to the United Nations. It is regrettable to note that the measures taken by the international community have not so far been able to put an end to the illegal regime controlling that Territory.
114. Turkey's position with regard to this problem is known to all. We have stated on many occasions that we unreservedly support the right to self- determination and independence of all of Southern Rhodesia, and that we would reject any political system based on a minority regime and any sort of racial discrimination.
115. Turkey fervently hopes that the rebellion may end as quickly as possible and that a constitutional government may be set up in that country. Until that is done, Turkey will continue to apply fully the resolutions on that problem adopted by our Organization, I should like to take this opportunity to inform the General Assembly that Turkey, by a decree of the Council of Ministers, has forbidden the import and export of the strategic commodities indicated in Security Council resolution 232 (1966), as well as their transport by Turkish aircraft or ships.
116. It appears to us that the policy of racial discrimination practised by the South African Government remains the root cause of the problems in southern Africa. It is unthinkable that such a policy should be applied in defiance of the principles and provisions of the Charter, which the South African Government, by its accession, undertook to respect. The continued existence of such a situation in the world is a source of shame and an insult to the dignity of man, Turkey repudiates any policy of racial discrimination, including that of apartheid, and is ready as always to assist in bringing that practice to an end.
117. I should now like to say a few words about economic problems, which are among the major concerns of our Organization.
118. The existence of a wide gap, and a gap which is widening day by day between the level of the developed countries and the economically less- developed countries is one of the more unhappy features of our era. Poverty, ignorance, destitution and under-nourishment are serious threats to peace.
119. Praiseworthy and energetic efforts are of course being made to eradicate these evils from man's life. The results of these efforts, however, are still far from encouraging. The goals set for the United Nations Development Decade have not been achieved, and the steps taken since 1960 have not served markedly to improve economic conditions in the developing countries. We are aware of the many reasons for that state of affairs. Unfavourable fluctuations in the terms of trade, difficulties encountered in the external financing of development, the burden imposed by the servicing of foreign indebtedness, the insufficient volume of the aid itself and the rapid rate of population growth are some of the main problems impeding the economic development of the countries in question.
120. The task of our Organization and of the specialized agencies responsible for assisting in the solution of these problems is thus rendered more complex and more difficult. Nevertheless, I do not believe that those problems are insoluble. Indeed, the developing countries are in the process of making great efforts to speed up the development and diversification of their economy by means of a more energetic mobilization of their internal resources. This arduous task, however, could be more easily undertaken and achieved if national efforts were to be augmented and supported by parallel efforts at the international level.
121. In this respect, I can only point with appreciation to the great work that the United Nations and the specialized agencies are in the process of accomplishing to assist developing countries. In this connexion, I also believe that the second United Nations Conference on Trade and Development should constitute a new stage in effective international co-operation for the economic growth of developing countries and the growth of the world economy as a whole.
122. To implement the "global development strategy" recommended by the Secretary-General of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, it is indeed essential to unite and synchronize the efforts of the developing and developed countries.
123. The first session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Geneva in 1964, set forth the principles of a bold new policy of international trade and development. It will now be the task of the second session to discuss and define measures for implementing that policy.
124. The agenda of the twenty-second session contains important items dealing with economic questions, such as the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the United Nations Development Decade, the external financing of the economic development of the developing countries, multilateral food aid and the activities of the United Nations Development Programme, all of which must be considered fully and constructively by the General Assembly.
125. I have just set forth my Government's views on the serious and important problems facing us. We know that the United Nations does not have the means to provide remedies and solutions for all those problems. Today's political realities do not allow for that. But let us not lose hope on that account. Whatever the limitations on its ability to undertake effective and direct action, the United Nations can nevertheless make a substantial contribution towards the settlement of disputes and the consolidation of peace, and to the furthering and expansion of the world economy. It can do so, on the one hand, because of the moral authority of its decisions and appeals and, on the other hand, because of the effectiveness of its activity in areas where it has the means to act. We remain convinced that our faith in the United Nations must be maintained. We have no alternative, for it is only within the United Nations that we can go beyond our individual interests and attain a full awareness of the common interests of all mankind.