45. Mr. President, I should like to Join with all those who have preceded me at this rostrum in congratulating you or your election to this high office and to express to you my best wishes for the success of our deliberations.
46. My pleasure in so doing is all the greater in that I look on your election not only as a recognition of your outstanding qualities as a statesman and diplomat, but also as an important step towards international co-operation, for which your country shows a notable readiness.
47. My delegation also wishes to pay a tribute to our Secretary-General, U Thant, for the initiative he has taken on so many occasions and for his untiring efforts in the cause of international co-operation, especially with regard to restoring peace in Viet-Nam.
48. This brings me to the most vital issue for world peace today, namely, the war in Viet-Nam. In broaching the question, although it is not on the agenda of this Assembly, I cannot refrain at the outset from recalling with deep feeling the human sufferings and the material destruction being inflicted on the Viet-Namese people by the war, The Government of Luxembourg fervently hopes that the re-establishment of a just peace will finally enable the Viet-Namese people to return to a normal life, after so many years of relentless warfare, and to set up whatever political, economic and social institutions it chooses in complete freedom and independence, without any outside coercion or interference, either overt or covert.
49. In our view, the only acceptable outcome is a negotiated end to the conflict, as was emphasized by the representative of the United States in his statement at the beginning of this session (1562nd meeting). The alternative, namely, ah ever increasing military escalation on both sides, would inevitably lead us into a steadily widening war, with incalculable risks for the fate of all mankind. The United Nations General Assembly has no right to abdicate its responsibility in this serious situation. It has the duty to express unequivocally and forcefully the joint conviction of the United Nations that the war in Viet-Nam must end in a negotiated settlement, and it must exert all its influence to help bring that about.
50. Such a settlement must above all take into account the right of the Viet-Namese people to self-determination without the threat of intimidation, subversion or military pressure from whatever quarter.
51. The most tragic event of this year, along with the Viet-Nam war, is undoubtedly the crisis in the Middle East. While it is comforting to note that hostilities have ceased, it is none the less evident that the critical situation, with all its political and human problems, still prevails in the area, with the danger of new outbreaks.
52. We share equally with the other countries of the world a vital concern to work out a solution, which must in our opinion fulfil certain basic requirements forming an indivisible whole. These elements are:
53. First, any solution must start out from the recognition of the legitimate existence of Israel and respect for the right of the people of Israel to live in peace and security within the framework of a politically and economically viable State. Let us not forget that the State of Israel was created under the aegis of the United Nations, that it is recognized by the vast majority of the countries of the world, and that it is a Member of our Organization.
54. Second, if the withdrawal of Israel troops is essential, it can be accomplished only on the basis of certain guarantees, since no country may derive benefit from armed conflict.
55. Third, free passage through international waters must be ensured.
56. Fourth, an equitable solution to the problem of the Palestine refugees must be worked out with the co-operation of all the parties concerned.
57. I should add our desire to see the problem of the status of the Holy Places determined in a spirit of freedom and tolerance, and with due regard to the interests legitimately urged in this matter by the international community.
58. We are convinced that a return to the status quo. purely and simply with no prospect for lasting normalization of the relations between the parties and with no real progress towards true pacification, would only lead to re-creating the explosive situation which brought about the recent war.
59. The road to complete pacification is doubtless still very long, and the obstacles will be many. However, we do not despair of an over-all settlement being worked out, provided both parties give evidence of goodwill and mutual understanding. We shall wholeheartedly support any effort towards pacification, whether by the parties concerned or, failing that, by third States wishing to lend their good offices in this struggle.
60. Essentially as a rapid solution to the Middle East crisis and the war in Viet-Nam may be, it must not be allowed to obscure a wider problem: that of establishing peace on a world-wide basis.
61. Owing to deep differences of opinion on the constitutional problems involved, the peace-keeping activities of our Organization are far from having the cohesion and effectiveness we might wish. Nevertheless, we feel that there is no cause for undue pessimism, inasmuch as the Organization should be able to cope pragmatically with the concrete problems which may arise. It is the duty of all Member States to support United Nations action aimed at peacekeeping. In our view, this means that the financial burden should be divided in an equitable manner among all States, according to criteria to be laid down, taking into account particularly the ability of Member States to pay.
62. The mention of peace-keeping leads me naturally to speak of disarmament. In this field we have made progress over the past year, To be sure, we are all disappointed that more was not accomplished. However, the fact that the two major Powers were able to agree at Geneva to submit a joint text of a draft treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons must be hailed as an important step in the right direction, despite some outstanding problems for which a solution will have to be worked out. Although there is broad backing among the countries for such an agreement, the feeling is unfortunately not universal. Communist China, in particular, rejects this treaty, while continuing to implement a significant programme of nuclear tests. This is somewhat disturbing in the light of the well-known views of the Peking Government.
63. Although agreement on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is a definite step towards the prohibition of nuclear weapons, it must be followed by other measures, particularly in the non-nuclear field. For it is of the utmost importance in disarmament that progress be made on an equal footing in respect of both nuclear and conventional weapons. Many countries today see their security threatened by countries which are not nuclear Powers.
64. Real disarmament covering all categories of weapons seems to us feasible only if world political and economic conditions return to normal.
65. In Europe this depends both on disarmament and on the elimination of the political factors which have given rise to tension between East and West. The most important of these factors seems to me to be the German problem. Only by coping with the quite abnormal situation resulting from the Second World War can the permanent consolidation of the eastern frontiers of Germany be brought about, thus allowing for the establishment of a stable and universally recognized territorial status in Central Europe.
66. That is undoubtedly the principal political problem within the context of Europe, but it is not the only change which must occur. It will in addition be necessary to liberalize our relations with the eastern European countries, with regard both to the movement of persons and to trade. A great deal has already been accomplished in this direction, and for that we are gratified, while we continue to look forward to the time when the last obstacle, consisting of a combination of concepts and practices, both political and economic, is broken down and true freedom of movement and exchange, intellectual as well as commercial, can develop.
67. It is therefore in a constructive spirit that my Government views the evolution of European relations. The lessening of tension — which was atone time acute — is undoubtedly due to a relative equilibrium between the defence systems of two groups of States, but it is also due to their pressing need for peace; and it augurs well for a steady improvement in the relations between Eastern and Western Europe. It is of the utmost importance that all concerned continue to explore every possibility in order that the division of our continent may soon be remedied.
68. However, the search for a peaceful balance of power among States is not our ultimate goal. We must succeed in bringing about active co-operation among all States. And I should like to dwell for a moment on one of the aspects of that co-operation, namely, assistance to developing countries. My Government regards this as an essential condition for the future of world peace. It is the duty of each of us, within the limits of his resources, to make a substantial contribution to this cause.
69. The great task of development has already been the subject of innumerable statements in the United Nations. The discussions have highlighted the seriousness of the problem, which is marked by extremely slow industrial progress in the developing countries, by the worsening of the world food situation, and by the population explosion. Even though some representatives of the countries concerned tend too readily to impute the responsibility for this state of affairs to the industrialized countries, it must be granted that development aid is insufficient. Far from reaching the level set by the General Assembly, it has unfortunately fallen off of late.
70. Yet whatever the specific economic difficulties facing the industrialized countries in other respects, it is their duty — and furthermore, it is in their interest — resolutely to tackle a problem which is vital for all mankind. Governments will need for this the fullest support of an informed public opinion keenly aware of the basic importance of this problem.
71. The Government of Luxembourg intends to readapt its development aid policy, as regards both contributions to the various multilateral organizations and bilateral programmes.
72. Important as the material progress of mankind may be, it is not the only key to human happiness. For that reason, I feel I should consider briefly the question of human rights in the broadest sense. We attach great importance to the upholding and increasing of individual rights, to the protection of the family and to the elimination of all forms of discrimination based on race, philosophy or religion. We are firm believers in the principle of self-determination and we cannot but deplore the situation prevailing in certain areas of the globe.
73. The hopes I have just expressed and the goals I have attempted very briefly to define presuppose the existence of two things: a sincerely universalist state of mind, to begin with, and next an instrument effectively adaptable to all situations. Where do we stand at present? That is what we should like to know; and it will not be the only question to he asked.
74. As a matter of fact, the publicity being given to the United Nations among the masses, who are still disposed to follow us, is a constant worry to me. When those who form public opinion deliberately create serious doubts as to our grounds for existence by asking, with all sorts of pessimistic implications: "What use is the United Nations?" — the headline of one newspaper article — then I am no longer able to conceal the uneasiness which comes of deep personal soul-searching. Are we still applying our Charter in the spirit of the great stirrings of heart and mind which created it? What are the principal rules of conduct embodied in it? Do we still accept those rules? Let us draw up the list and examine them more closely:
(1) To eliminate small wars in the same way as large wars, wherever they may occur, since even small wars have an Influence on our own national destiny;
(2) To have all nations outlaw all guerrilla fighters, those who employ clandestine tactics and those who employ overt dialectics;
(3) To replace everywhere physical weapons by diplomatic weapons, through the overwhelming strength of our good will;
(4) To recognize that the task of international diplomacy consists above all in dispelling all illusions, including those being propagated within our own Organization;
(5) To refrain from coming here to comment post facto on events from this rostrum, when our task is to gain — or to regain — control of those events;
(6) To work unceasingly towards the elimination of fear and violence, whether arising out of our insecurity or related to racial conflicts;
(7) To understand once and for all that unresolved problems, whether they be political, economic or social in nature, will pursue us relentlessly if we do not unanimously resolve to eradicate them for good;
(8) To recognize that it is irrational to admit to membership in the United Nations artificially created, two-headed nations, when our mission calls for the basic unification — and not division — of everything that can by its nature be united, before its admission to the family of nations. The United Nations is not some kind of hospital for the seriously disabled, but a joint enterprise embracing all sound and vigorous efforts, physical as well as metaphysical, to achieve understanding among peoples;
(9) To translate the great, universally accepted ideas enshrined in our Charter into the clear and precise language of action, instead of attempting secretly to realize our most sordid ulterior motives.
75. These are our responsibilities, everyone's responsibilities. But there are others. The very special responsibilities undertaken by those Powers that we call great, assumed before humanity and before history, seem to me to he as vexatious as they are immense. However, the rights of the great Powers are not limitless. If they choose to act as big brothers towards the small countries — of which my own is one — sometimes very kindly big brothers, perhaps there to protect us, they are certainly not entitled to misjudge the scope of their authority over us to the point of being dictatorial, nor to exploit the weakness of some and the territorial limitations of others for their own profit. Authority is not and can never be expressed by brute strength; it is reflected in an awareness of its responsibilities and a goodwill manifested in the way it guards in order to protect. In allowing these big brothers to play with matches, for example — a thing which is always prohibited, always forbidden to children — we are not completely sure that they are immune to every rash impulse calculated to set the world on fire.
76. Therefore, their authority must have a basis; it must be based on wisdom. Active wisdom, however, is neither a virtue nor a quality derived from particular geographic or demographic conditions. It is acquired through the action of a fourth dimension, which is of the spirit. The smallest are not barred from attaining it, nor do the great ones necessarily possess it. And — I apologize for my digression — when in my own country I mention this wisdom, I am sometimes interrupted by one or other of my listeners who is quick to ask me: But that "what-do-you-call-it", that invisible and impalpable something to which you give the misleadingly promising name of "wisdom" — what is it, in fact? Of course, I could answer that it is wealth, that it is the moral and intellectual wealth which everyone thinks he has in abundance whereas it is not all that common, since in the real world, the tragic, everyday real world, it is the product most lacking. Naturally, that answer would not satisfy him. That is why — attempting to make myself understood through a metaphor — I usually answer that this wisdom is above all the sense of judgement, drawn up in equal measure — using truth as the bucket — from the deep well of sound reason and of innate common sense.
77. Those three elements — truth, reason and common sense — must unite in order for wisdom to prevail and express itself. One cannot be substituted for another or for something else — truth, for example, cannot be replaced by falsehood, since falsehood is by nature porous and therefore ill-adapted to collecting and containing anything fluid — nor are we entitled to confuse reason with any sort of prejudice, even though that prejudice may be reasoned to the highest degree. We are not entitled to replace common sense with perfervid obstinacy inspired principally by mistakes. Wherever those three elements are not forthcoming, there can be no wisdom; there will certainly be nothing but a kind of caricature of wisdom, borrowing from hypocrisy some of the appearances of wisdom. However, where those three elements come together to form an integral whole, a wonderfully simple phenomenon occurs — the phenomenon of wisdom — and becomes effective in all its modest splendour.
78. This wisdom, however, affirms a law which no one, no man of real worth, can escape; the law that imposes and demands dialogue, a dialogue requiring the capacity to listen reasonably and courteously, that is to say with reason and goodwill, and also the capacity to make ourselves heard in the same fashion.
79. This, therefore, is the wisdom to which we must appeal, even, indeed especially, when we refer to the text of the United Nations Charter, if we are to derive the maximum benefit from it. Our Secretary-General is right to draw our attention, by the hallowed procedure, to Article 28 (2). But let him not stop with that single reminder; let him go all the way towards breathing life into the paragraphs, for a basic text which is a dead letter can all too easily engender still-born undertakings. That which was made for life should have life, through the mind and in the mind, so as to be capable of evolving with the living and adapting itself to the needs of the present day while serving the living.
80. In its highest manifestation, the wisdom of which I have been speaking delights in hearing wisdom spoken. Thus, the great and wise will, I hope, listen to the small and wise, and vice versa. This can easily be done here, in this great stock exchange of the wisdom of nations, where shares are traded at the highest price and on the widest scale.
81. Such, at least, could be our undertaking. And to the question what use is the United Nations, we must reply: for precisely that, for that uninterrupted exchange, established and intensified so that ultimately something admirable may come out of it. Or again; What is the United Nations good for? Well, it is good for serving: it serves mankind, all mankind, through the inexhaustible resources of a dynamic humanism, wholly attuned to the demands of the international community for peace, justice and increasing wellbeing.
82. That is our true profession of faith.