1. Long years of experience prove that each session of the General Assembly has its own particular character. In this ever-changing world of ours the sessions of the United Nations General Assembly often reflect, even though Incompletely, the tidal rise and fall of the world situation.
2. The present session is overshadowed once again by ever-growing dangers stemming from the escalating war in Viet-Nam and from the continued existence of aggression in the Middle East. The general debate is overwhelmed with tensions and even confusions because of deepening antagonisms with regard to many problems of present-day international life.
3. It is an onerous but at the same time dignifying task that has been bestowed upon you, Mr. President, by the unanimous decision of this Assembly to elect you as its President at this juncture of world events. There are not many good omens for the possible results of the deliberations at the twenty-second session. However, one of the few good omens that encourage us is the fact that in the year of the fiftieth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution the guidance of the General Assembly for the first time in the history of this Organization has been placed in the hands of a distinguished representative of a socialist Member State. Efforts to this end had failed during many years past. This year’s decision of the General Assembly is a due appreciation of the great changes that have taken place in history. It is with great pleasure and deep personal feelings, Comrade President, that I express to you my best wishes when I congratulate you upon your election, wishing you complete success in the performance of our current work in search of solutions to the burning issues of our times.
4. In the space of one year the General Assembly has held three sessions under the Presidency of Ambassador Pazhwak. The necessity of convening special sessions is indicative of the growing deterioration of the world situation. I wish to commend Ambassador Pazhwak for his devotion and perseverance in his dealing with our affairs. We will never forget it, and I wish him further successes in his public activity for the benefit of international understanding.
5. One of the most gratifying features of the twenty-first regular session was the unanimous desire of Member States to convince the Secretary-General that the common interest required him to make himself available for a new term of office. My Government has been pleased with his willingness to carry on his responsibilities for a new term. I can only express the wish that our experience of his participation in paving the way for this Organization towards improving international relations will convince him of the justness of his decision.
6. In the introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General had every reason to word the very first sentence as follows: "During the period under review the international political situation has not only not improved; it has in fact deteriorated considerably." [A/670l/Add.1, para. 1.]
7. He then referred to what we all know, but what we have also to keep constantly in mind, whichever aspect of international problems we are dealing with, namely:
“...how the war in Viet-Nam has been progressively intensified during the last two and a half years, how the number of men and the amount of war material involved in the actual fighting have immensely increased, how the savagery of the war has steadily escalated, and the casualties on the part of all parties involved in the fighting have reached frightening proportions" [ibid.].
8. The war in Viet-Nam, launched by United States intervention and aggression, not only is a most inhuman sort of vandalism in itself, directed against the very existence of a nation, but also, on the one hand, may lead to major international armed confrontations of incalculable dimensions, and, on the other hand, already overshadows the whole world. It constitutes an ominous background and the deepest- rooted cause of the deterioration of the conditions for international co-operation in all fields. Therefore, to halt the aggression against Viet-Nam is in the interest of all nations of the world, including the United States, and indeed it is in the interest of all that every effort be made to find solutions to the most crucial issues confronting UB today.
9. It has been made clear, first of all, by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, and also by the overwhelming majority of the speakers in this Assembly, that only an unconditional cessation of the bombing of North Viet-Nam can open the way to the negotiating table. Permit me to recall that as early as October 1965, at the twentieth session of the General Assembly, my delegation, in the name of the Hungarian Government and on the basis of true knowledge of the position of the Viet-Namese Government, called the attention of the Assembly to the only realistic approach to a negotiated settlement of the issues at stake in the war in Viet-Nam [1350th meeting], Having heard the unfounded accusations put forward by the United States and the United Kingdom in this debate, I have to reiterate that the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam have so far not received any valid peace proposal from the United States — I repeat, they have so far not received any valid peace proposal from the United States. The temporary suspension of the bombing of the North in December 1965 and January 1966 did not fulfil the real requirements of a serious and sincere proposal for negotiation. It did not do so because it was made with the threat of renewal of the air raids and, what is more, the period of suspension was used to start a world-wide diplomatic campaign against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and against the National Liberation Front, and in the meantime the United States increased its military build-up in South Viet-Nam and in South-East Asia in general, with the obvious intention of making ready for a further escalation of the war at a later stage.
10. Is there anything new in the United States attitude today? In this debate the General Assembly was told by the United States, in rather indistinct terms, that the cessation of bombing should lead to meaningful negotiations. The statement [1562nd meeting] gave the impression that the United States wished to get assurances from Hanoi in this respect. In the general debate at the twentieth session in 1965 we were told by the United States [1346th meeting] that it would be sufficient to be informed through private channels of the readiness of Hanoi to negotiate. At the twenty-first session, last year, we were told [1412th meeting] that the United States would be ready to embark on the road of de-escalation by stopping the bombardment of North Viet-Nam if it were assured that that measure would be reciprocated by equivalent actions on the other side. There is a grave miscalculation, behind this sort of attitude. It is a basic experience in the history of armed conflicts that negotiations cannot take place under attack or the threat of attack, except in case of the capitulation of one of the parties involved in the fighting.
11. We have not heard in this debate anything new from the United States. Even official sources admitted that only the tone of the statement was new. Press reports pointed out that words like "peace" and "peaceful talks" were uttered forty-four times in the statement. But in questions of war and peace the French saying "C’est le ton qui fait la musique" does not apply. So, too, in the tremendous tragedy of the war in Viet-Nam, what can alter the course of events is not the tone of political speeches but the real intent of the parties involved. When a few days ago it became known that in February of this year Washington, almost at the same time, had sent two letters to Hanoi with diverging contents, a news editor wondered whether there was a split personality guiding the policy of the State Department. The contradictions between words and deeds in the policy of the United States with regard to Viet-Nam may induce the careful observer to think that the real intention of the United States is revealed not in its statements before the United Nations, nor in diplomatic talks, but in the war escalation in Viet-Nam.
12. Our imagination has even been given a new impetus by the appreciation of how the so-called limited war may further escalate. In his interview explaining the new anti-ballistic missile system of the United States, Secretary of Defense McNamara stated that this system had a second purpose beyond strengthening the defence of the United States against hypothetical aggression; this is to convince some Asian countries that the United States would not be deterred from actions that might risk a Chinese attack. In other words, preparations are being made to create anti-missile umbrellas to cover up the possible further escalation of United States military action in South-East Asia.
13. The war in Viet-Nam is a limited one in so far as the use of nuclear weapons is not introduced. On the basis of the stubborn facts of the United States aggression in Viet-Nam one can rightly suppose that preparations are now under way in the United States to escalate the war in Viet-Nam into new dimensions commensurate with the defence system of the United States as scheduled according to official statements.
14. The United States will gain nothing by this war against Viet-Nam, no matter to what degree the war may be escalated. On the other hand, no end of incalculable values in the world are being lost owing to the dangers and poisoning effects emanating from this mad war. The proposal of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the programme of the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam, which is a programme of coalition policy, have given the United States the chance of a decent withdrawal from this tragic conflict.
15. It is impossible to disentangle entirely the Middle East aggression and its consequences from the repercussions of the war in Viet-Nam. Were it not for the general worsening of the international atmosphere brought about by the expansion of hostilities in South-East Asia, the attack of Israel's forces against neighbouring States would have been unimaginable. In the same way, the present reluctance of Israel to comply with international law and with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations is, as was implied yesterday [1577th meeting], only sustained by the destructive effects of the United States aggression upon international morals. Israeli belligerency in turn has had its own destructive influence on international relations. Under the impact of the miniature blitzkrieg of Israel, some circles in West Germany have begun to dream of what could have been the consequences of the great blitzkrieg of Hitlerite Germany if it had been as successful as that of Israel, and to speculate about the chances of a West German attack against East Berlin, the German Democratic Republic, Poland and Czechoslovakia. What has happened in the Middle East and what continues to happen there is not only a crime in Itself; it is also contributing to undermining international co-operation.
16. It is therefore in the interest of all of us, and not only in that of the nations living in the Middle East, to pave the way for political solutions with the prospect of a stable and secure peace.
17. If we really wish to give due consideration to the realities existing in the Middle East for the purpose of finding realistic solutions to the questions awaiting settlement, we have to take account of the fact that as long as Israel’s forces occupy territories beyond its own legitimate frontiers the act of aggression will continue. According to the Charter of the United Nations, all necessary steps are justified in order to put a stop to aggression and to liquidate its consequences.
18. If, in the present situation calling for the exercise of still greater responsibilities, the political solution is sought in a spirit of tolerance, this must not give the Israel Government a pretext for miscalculating and misinterpreting the effects of its aggression launched against the neighbouring Arab States. Until Israel has taken Into due consideration the legitimate rights of the Arab States, the peace of the Middle East cannot be secured.
19. It is obvious to all of us that there is a whole series of problems that should be discussed in order to create the necessary conditions of peaceful Life in that area. The opening of such negotiations is conditional upon the readiness of the State of Israel to withdraw its forces behind its legitimate frontiers.
20. Last year we heard in the general debate much more about the prospects of European security than we are hearing this year. A year ago more than forty speakers came forward with analyses, proposals and observations regarding co-operation among European States having different economic and social systems. More than twenty African and Asian representatives expressed last year their interest in the development of stability in Europe and in the search for a well-established European security system. This year's debate shows a different picture. Representatives of some of the Western European Governments have not even pronounced the name of Europe or, if they have, they have done so either more cautiously or in a more polemical way than last year; this is not to mention representatives from other continents. The reasons for the change are self-evident. On the one hand, the grave issues in other continents are occupying our minds to such an extent that less of our attention is being devoted to the problems of present-day Europe; on the other hand, it is true that the wars in Viet-Nam and in the Middle East have slowed down positive European developments by bringing to Europe also the international mistrust caused by growing armed conflicts and the deepening international crisis.
21. Nevertheless, the problems of Europe continue to be a world-wide concern. If inter-State relations in Europe take a turn for the worse, It will have a harmful impact on a world-wide scale. If, on the other hand, the controversial problems of Europe are solved in the constructive spirit of peaceful coexistence, that will exert a beneficial effect on issues of world-wide importance. My Government holds the view that, in spite of the general deterioration of international relations caused primarily by the war in Viet-Nam and its consequences, it is still possible to break the deadlock in Europe and to establish relative stability for the preparation and realization of the conditions of collective security. The Hungarian Government is ready to take part in actions favouring the improvement of inter-State relations in Europe on a bilateral and on a multilateral basis alike, and it is also ready to initiate such actions.
22. The main stumbling block in the way of more favourable European development is connected with certain aspects of the so-called German question. Until the actual frontiers of the two German States have been recognized by all concerned, and until the existence of the two German States has been accepted by the whole of Europe, the real security of Europe remains an open question and its present so-called stability will exist only in appearance.
23. In less than twenty years after the First World War German militarism and revanchism had already reopened the question of the German frontiers, and the Drang nach Osten und Westen, the march to the East and to the West, started, I repeat; that was in less than twenty years after the First World War. Twenty- two years have now elapsed since the end of the Second World War. In the light of the growing activities of right-wing movements in West Germany it is not difficult to imagine that, were it not for the existence and tremendous influence of the German Democratic Republic, German militarism and revanchism would have already reopened the question of the German frontiers even with respect to the present allies and Western neighbours of West Germany. It was only a few days ago that the people of the United States were given a realistic television report, entitled "The Germans", on present political conditions in West Germany. That report provided a surprising insight into the growing stream of the different shades of neo-fascism. Not only we, the socialist States of Eastern Europe, but also the States of Western Europe have to pay a tribute to the historic importance of the influence the German Democratic Republic has exercised on peaceful development in Europe, The existence of two German States has become a historic reality and a historic necessity. It is only through the recognition of this fact and by the actions of the lawful representatives of the two German States that the conditions for reunification can be created.
24. The Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic, in a letter addressed to the Chancellor of the German Federal Republic, has recently put forward a proposal for direct talks about a treaty establishing normal relations between the two German States with the prospect of solving the national problem of the German people. The West German Government would bring great benefit to the nations of Europe, including the Germans, if it could move ahead and match its attitude to the new proposal, thus opening a new chapter in the history of the two German States. Western European States and States of other continents will help the German Federal Republic to find its real and constructive role in the life of a renewed Europe by increasing their official contacts with the German Democratic Republic.
25. Through the patience, tolerance, endurance, perseverance and determination of the forces of peaceful co-existence in East and West, time is working towards stable security in Europe.
26. One of the gratifying phenomena of this year so far, if not the most gratifying one, was observed in Africa: the fourth session of the Conference of Heads of State and Government of members of the Organization of African Unity held last month at Kinshasa, That Organization of the independent States of Africa set an outstanding example for States of other continents. It was in the face of many difficulties and under conditions unfavourable in many respects that the Conference assembled—thus strengthening the union of African nations—and passed resolutions On the guidelines for solving many African problems of interest to the whole world.
27. The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic paid great attention to the deliberations and resolutions of this African summit Conference at Kinshasa. We understand and wholly appreciate that the African States adhere to the principle of national sovereignty and territorial integrity. We understand and wholly appreciate their firm stand, as expressed in their resolutions, in demanding the withdrawal of mercenaries from African territories. We understand and wholly appreciate their endeavours, as expressed in their resolutions, to eliminate the danger of a split among the African States and to strengthen the cooperation of member States in settling their disputes by peaceful negotiations. From the point of view of the Middle East crisis, it is of great importance, even for this present session of the General Assembly, that the Conference adopted a resolution by which the participating States pledged themselves to work at the present session of the United Nations General Assembly for the withdrawal of the foreign troops from the territory of the United Arab Republic, a member of the Organization of African Unity.
28. The political and economic conditions in Latin America, Africa and Asia have particularly deteriorated owing to the harmful international effects produced by the escalation of the war in Viet-Nam. If by a common effort of the nations of the world we are able to put an end to that armed conflict and to create secure, peaceful conditions corresponding to the real interests of the nations of that region, new possibilities will open for dealing effectively and on a world-wide scale with the deepening economic problems of the developing nations. In the meantime, even under the shadows of the present dangers, my Government is joining with those who, in spite of resources being at present limited, are doing their utmost to improve international economic conditions for the developing countries. Therefore, we pay great attention to the preparations for the second United Nations Conference on Trade and Development to be held at New Delhi. The Hungarian Government is ready to co-operate with other Governments, regardless of their economic systems, to further the effectiveness of the work of that world Conference.
29. The new proposal submitted by the Soviet Union at the present session for the conclusion of a convention on the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons may contribute to improving the general atmosphere for the discussion of the problems of disarmament. As long as the war in Viet-Nam goes on with the aggressive participation of a great nuclear Power, it is impossible to create the atmosphere of a minimum of mutual trust needed for any major effort in the field of disarmament. It is for want of the necessary confidence that we have for a long time been standing only at the threshold of complete agreement on a treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. In spite of the obvious difficulties, the Hungarian Government is in favour of signing a non-proliferation treaty, with a view to improving international political conditions in some measure. We look forward to the discussion of the new Soviet proposal with the same expectation. If the great nuclear Powers could agree to adopt the new convention, it could strengthen the feeling of security in the non-nuclear-weapon States.
30. It would be unrealistic for us, confronted with the difficulties and dangers resulting from the present international political crisis, not to take into account the great changes in the life of nations that help us to concentrate our strength on overcoming those difficulties and eliminating those dangers.
31. With respect to the fiftieth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, it is easy to recall here, in the Assembly Hall of the United Nations, that it was on the proposal of the Soviet Union in 1959 that this Organization for the first time in its history dealt with a comprehensive project for achieving general and complete disarmament. For that proposal to break through the barriers of resistance was not easy. The records of those debates remain for ever very exciting to read. The partial agreements we have reached so far and the draft agreements we are dealing with at present are an organic part of the basic proposal. The idea of general and complete disarmament, opening up hopeful new vistas to the whole of mankind, has become the only alternative offering survival, in face of the dangers of a thermonuclear cataclysm.
32. It was also on the proposal of the Soviet Union in 1960 that the General Assembly drafted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The development of the socialist States and their participation in international political life have contributed in great measure to making international conditions favourable for the struggle for independence of peoples under colonial oppression. The participation in the work of the United Nations of a great number of States liberated from colonial domination has been of great benefit to this Organization, as it has improved the international situation by and large. The actual demands of the developing nations and their participation in the international organizations make it imperative for us to stand up against war dangers and artificial "cold war" issues and to struggle for the just solution of current issues concerning the very existence of mankind.
33. In 1963, at the time of the Moscow partial nuclear test ban treaty, it was hoped that, having seen the futility of the sharp "cold war" manoeuvres and the failure of armed interventions, we would start out on the road to a more orderly international life. The good expectations, however, were frustrated by a series of harmful events, first of all by the wanton escalation of the war in Viet-Nam. In order to return to the road we have left, or rather to start a fresh and more successful approach towards amore orderly pattern of international life, we have to cope with various crucial issues, most of which are interdependent.
34. Without ending the war in Viet-Nam, it is impossible to make any considerable progress in any way. The remnants of the colonial system should be liquidated as quickly as possible. The co-operation of the five permanent members of the Security Council should be restored. Conditions for ensuring the participation of the People's Republic of China in the work of this Organization should be established. The possibility of the return of France to disarmament negotiations should be created. The States not represented so far in this Organization should be given adequate opportunity for participation on the basis of equality, as proposed in the introduction to the Secretary-General's annual report. The United Nations should rid itself of the shameful burdens of the past. In the Far East the Organization is still viewed as a belligerent party to the Korean war under the provisions of an armistice treaty. How can the United Nations get out of past entanglements? Is there anyone who could nurture the anachronistic idea of concluding a peace treaty in the name of the United Nations with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea? There is only one realistic way to liquidate the past and to open a hopeful future; and that is to end the United Nations role in this affair and to withdraw all foreign troops from South Korea.
35. The primary and most urgent task in the present situation in the face of the danger of further deterioration of international relations and of deepening international crises is to persuade the United States to start the process of de-escalation of the war in Viet-Nam. Its beneficial effects would soon make themselves felt. Governments of Member States might help— as many of them certainly are doing already — by increasing their persuasiveness with a view to opening the way to de-escalation.