Costa Rica

My delegation’s position, reflecting the conviction of the Government and people of Costa Rica, is clear and unambiguous: we shall resolutely support any measure aimed at strengthening democratic achievements and further safeguarding absolute respect for human rights, and we shall oppose anything which would amount to oppression of the minds or the lives of men. In short, we shall always be on the side of the true democracies. We wish also to affirm our earnest desire for the restoration of peace. We shall therefore support any resolution, proposed by those who hold the fate of mankind in their hands, aimed at achieving a speedy and final settlement of the armed conflicts by which the world is bedevilled. Moreover, realizing that there can be no lasting peace while poverty exists, we shall give our moral support to schemes to improve the living conditions of the peoples of the under-developed areas, emphasizing the inescapable duty of the strong to help the weak. Lastly, conscious of the fact that the Western Hemisphere is one of the positive hopes of mankind, and knowing that the countries which make it up are united by geography, history and common ideals, my delegation will be guided in its policy by the principle of continental, solidarity whose great achievements point the way to a better future. 98. My delegation will not seek to play a leading part, but will modestly collaborate in the solution of the critical problems confronting the world — from the war in Korea, to the colonial question, as well as the difficult social problems of a changing world, the self-determination of peoples, the violation of human rights, racial discrimination and plans to speed the economic development of the under-developed areas — which will determine the future of mankind. 99. The war in Korea monopolizes the attention of the world. The anguished hearts of millions of men and women pray to God to enlighten the minds and hearts of those who hold in their hands the fate and the lives of thousands of men. The contending parties have gradually narrowed down the discussion. Mr. Acheson, United States Secretary of State, in his brilliant and temperate statement [380th meeting] gave a clear and convincing review of the situation in Korea, The United States, together with twenty other nations, has submitted a draft resolution [A/C.1/725] approving the efforts of the Unified Command to achieve a just and honourable armistice to bring an end to the fighting in Korea, and in particular the principle followed with regard to the question of the repatriation of prisoners of war. This draft, showing the sincerity of those efforts, calls upon the Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China and upon the North Korean authorities to avert further bloodshed by having their negotiators agree to an armistice which recognizes the right of all prisoners of war to an unrestricted opportunity to be repatriated and avoids the use of force in their repatriation 100. Even the USSR representative, Mr. Vyshinsky, despite his legal dialectics, had to agree that the only obstacle to the signing of an armistice was the prisoner-of-war problem. The representatives of Czechoslovakia, the Ukrainian SSR and Poland later did the same. In the. speech to which I have referred, Mr. Acheson, in a sincere desire to end the fighting, opened the door to the discussion of any proposal aimed at settling the prisoner-of-war problem, provided it did not violate the principle that no prisoner may be repatriated by force either to communist China or to North Korea. Consequently, unless the Soviet Union accepts the principle of no repatriation by force, a new commission, such as that proposed by Mr. Vyshinsky, will be useless. If, on the other hand, the Soviet Union accepts the principle, we see no need for a new body. At the request of President Aleman, the Mexican delegation suggested [A/C.1/731] that every Member of the United Nations should receive its quota of prisoners of war, and the Peruvian representative proposed [A/C.1/732] the appointment of a neutral commission which would send the prisoners to the countries of their election. 101. If the Soviet Union really wishes to bring the war in Korea to an end, it cannot object to either of those proposals which, despite Mr. Vyshinsky's charges to the contrary, are wholly consistent with the provisions of the 1949 Geneva Convention. What is more, the USSR representative’s objections have no moral foundation, since at this very moment German and Japanese prisoners of war are still being detained by the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the Soviet Union agreed to the voluntary repatriation of prisoners of war in fifteen treaties signed between 1918 and 1921. 102. My delegation feels in duty bound to lend moral support to these draft resolutions in order to help to bring to an end one of the most absurd and destructive wars known to history. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of South Korea said, the war has left 10 million persons homeless and destroyed 98 per cent of the country's towns and 80 per cent of its villages. The Korean people have undergone untold suffering, and even after peace has been concluded the United Nations will be faced with the tremendous problem of unification and rehabilitation. Just as the war in Korea has been the war of all nations and individuals who support the principle of freedom and categorically condemn aggression in any form, so the rehabilitation of Korea will be the duty of all those who hold that the world must be freed from want and suffering. 103. This brings me to another point: without economic freedom there can be no political freedom. While poverty exists, there can be no genuine peace. The United Nations has before it another great problem: the question of the self-determination of peoples. The fate of those peoples and their living conditions have ceased to be the exclusive concern of the metropolitan countries; under modern international law, these matters are of common interest. This is also shown, incidentally, by the relevant provisions of Chapter XX of the Charter. My delegation will therefore support any measure designed to achieve the ends set for in Article 73 of the Charter. As we have said on many occasions, it is our desire that colonialism and political domination should be brought to an end, provided that the peoples concerned have the cultural and economic capacity for self-government to ensure that they will not become the victims of their own rulers or, the prey of any other nations greedy for conquests. That is our position with regard to the right of self-determination of peoples, the fundamental principle established in Article 1, paragraph 2, of the Charter. 104. It would be paradoxical to recognize, the right of certain peoples to self-government while denying other peoples, legally constituted and democratically organized, the right to belong to the association of free peoples who make up the United Nations. I need mention only one case — Italy, which, although a peace- loving and democratically constituted nation, has been denied the right to join the United Nations because of a whim expressed through the misuse of the veto. The misuse of the veto destroy the democratic nature of the Charter, since it places fifty-five Member nations in a position of inferiority with regard to the five great Powers. In association with the other Central American republics, my delegation is carefully considering the possibility of putting an end to the misuse of the veto to the extent that it erects a wall of discrimination against all those nations which are entitled to become Members of our Organization, giving it added strength and prestige in the world. It is an incredible fact that, because of the intolerance of certain parties, the promises of the signatories of the Moscow Declaration of 1 November 1943, in particular as regards the treaty of peace with Austria, have still not been carried out. It is no less incredible that free general elections have not yet been held throughout Germany to settle the question of its unification under a truly democratic regime. 105. To a great extent, the conflicts and the anxiety which trouble the world today are due to the repression, in various ways, of the legitimate aspirations of the peoples to have governments of their own choice; and to form homogeneous political units without artificial and arbitrary divisions which impair their right of self-determination. If those who are forging the destiny of mankind are truly in good faith, all the points of friction and all the obstacles which hinder the progress of men towards the fulfilment of their destiny and towards the greatness which: can be achieved through peace and understanding must be swept aside. 106. The right of peoples to self-determination, personal freedom and respect for human dignity are the basic principles of the life of nations; in the same way economic and social advancement is essential if individuals are to achieve a higher standard of living. That advancement, of course, is much more urgent in the under-developed countries. We cannot afford to overlook the fact that almost 1,600 million men and women in the under-developed countries live in the direst poverty, while the 400 million more fortunate inhabitants of the world have made substantial gains in the first half of this century. Various factors, among them, for instance, the industrial revolution and the growth of industry, inflation and the cold war among the great Powers, have further aggravated this chronic poverty, which has been made more acute by the steady rise in the cost of living. Naturally, this reduction in the purchasing power of the people has been a factor making for social unrest. Paradoxical as it may seem, all the peoples living in a state of poverty, illiteracy and disease are potentially rich. All that is needed is the resolute co-operation of the great industrial Powers for their natural and human resources to be developed fully and to become a major factor in the social progress and economic stability of the world. 107. The United Nations, through the Technical Assistance Administration and through its specialized agencies, in particular through the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization and the Economic Commission for Latin America, has begun to carry out the tremendous task of developing the economically backward countries and has examined many aspects of such fundamental problems as production, nutrition, the equitable distribution of raw materials and the mechanization of agriculture. 108. As chairman of the delegation of a Central- American country, I should like at this point to make special mention of the support we have received from such bodies, and in particular from ECLA and the TAA, in the preparation and study of plans for the economic integration of the Central-American isthmus. Our countries have long felt the need for such integration. It was realized that if modern methods of production were introduced under individual programmes of economic development for each of the republics, they would be handicapped by the limitations inherent in excessively small economic groups incapable of offering adequate markets for expanding agricultural and industrial production. Nevertheless it was only When ECLA gave its full co-operation that these countries could begin to examine these plans scientifically and objectively, without giving rise to suspicions that an attempt was being made to benefit the economy of one country to the detriment of another. Thus it was possible to eliminate the obstacles which inevitably accompany any attempt to unify the economies of different countries, A committee of the Ministers of Economy on Economic Co-operation in Central America has now been established, and, under its guidance, commissions of ECLA and the TAA are studying the basic industries which should be integrated, analysing the possibilities of a complete hydroelectric development, planning a new Central-American transport system by sea, land and air, and studying plans for a Central-American technological institute, intended to increase productivity by adapting the technology of the advanced counties to local conditions. Various other schemes of great importance to the future of our countries are also under consideration. The co-operation afforded by United Nations agencies — the support given to plans for the economic integration of Central America is but one example — has been one of the most outstanding achievements of the Organization and one which should give ground for hope to those of little faith. 109. We consider that the economic development of the backward areas is the key to the economic stabilization of the world, which must logically lead to the strengthening of peace and social well-being. We believe, however, that, if not from a sense of solidarity with mankind as a whole, then at any rate from motives of self-preservation, the industrial Powers must understand the need for ensuring world economic stability by establishing new consumer markets and materially strengthening the countries which are collaborating in the interests of peace and against aggression. All the under-developed countries are gradually becoming aware of their own potentialities and of the important part they have to play in the solution of the problems of mankind and are therefore demanding fairer and more satisfactory treatment in their relations with the industrial Powers. The still unexploited wealth of these areas is essential to the industrial countries, just as the trade, capital goods, machinery, capital and technical assistance of the latter is essential to the under-developed countries. The future economic structure of the world must be based on the stabilization of prices at a fair level, the equitable distribution of raw materials and exports and a more far-sighted economic policy more in accordance with present-day standards. 110. My delegation considers that the payment of fair prices for commodities exported by the under-developed countries is one of the most effective means of promoting their economic and social advancement. It will enable the backward countries to receive additional resources without being obliged to solicit humiliating credits or onerous loans. This is merely a matter of justice; the inhabitants of the backward areas should be given a fair return for their labour in order to enable them to achieve a more decent standard of living and to finance their own development plans. This, in turn, will mean an increase in the consumption of those manufactured goods which the developed nations have to market abroad in order to operate their mass production facilities to capacity. 111. My small country, whose coffee exports provide its principal source of income, has just had an experience which confirms what I have said. Early in 1949, negotiations were started with the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development for a loan to finance certain economic development plans. The Bank was slow in reaching a decision. In the meantime there was a rise in coffee prices which, for no good reason, had been at an extremely low level. When the Bank finally decided that we could have $3 million for our schemes, the offer was not accepted. In the three years which had gone by, the additional income received as a result of the rise in the price of coffee had been $30 million — ten times the amount of the loan offered. This additional income enabled our Government, which has managed the country's financial affairs with great care and in an irreproachable manner, to obtain the necessary funds to finance the plans I have mentioned itself. 112. My delegation wishes now to explain briefly its position with regard to the rights of women. My country was one of the first on the American continent to grant women equal civil rights. Our Civil Code of 1888 had freed women of all the legal restrictions affecting their persons and the management of their property to which they had been subjected since the beginnings of Roman law. Under my country's new Constitution, which came into force on 8 November 1949, the development of legislation in favour of women was completed; women were granted the right to elect and to be elected on the same conditions as men. At our next elections, Costa-Rican women, who have gallantly taken their place in the battle for human freedom, will exercise the right to vote without restriction. We are therefore very much in sympathy with the draft convention on political rights of women8 which is to be considered by the General Assembly at its seventh session, although we reserve the right to request the clarification of certain points in article 3 of the draft. 113. My delegation wished to place on record Costa Rica's policy with regard to its international relations, the discharge of its treaty obligations and its position as a Member of the United Nations. In doing so, we have been conscious of the small size of our country and the modesty of our contribution, but proud of the moral strength of our position, since every aspect of Costa Rica’s democratic life is consistent with the provisions of the Charter, and because it is our absolute conviction that in Costa Rica all human rights are respected, the purest democracy is practised and all international commitments of whatever kind are honoured. 114. My delegation has adhered and will adhere to the general policy of the American States, not only because we consider that our hemisphere is the spiritual refuge of mankind, but because we believe that our country, in which there is no imposition of extremist political doctrines, no racial discrimination, no struggle to maintain foreign ideologies, is in a privileged position to offer itself to a world at strife as an impartial conciliator of differences. 115. I should like to refer in this connexion to the action of Mexico and Peru in offering their good offices for the settlement of the Korean conflict through the proposal of the President of Mexico, Miguel Aleman, who is just about to complete his term of office and the conciliatory measure proposed by that great jurist, Mr. Belaunde. 116. The Organization of American States and the Charter of San Salvador hear witness to the fact that, where there is no prejudice and where good faith and intellectual honesty are brought to bear, the problems of mankind are amenable to conciliation and settlement. It is our hope, our firm conviction, that the international relations among the twenty-one American republics will remain fraternal, regardless of the political changes that have occurred or may occur. 117. We wholeheartedly endorse the principles of the United Nations Charter, particularly in regard to human rights and the attainment of a better, fairer and more decent life for all. Above all, we earnestly desire the strengthening of peace. Every moment that passes brings with it stark tragedy, the loss of yet another life, sorrow and tears for millions of human beings. All that we can do is to bow down before God and ask for His divine inspiration, that He may move the hearts and illumine the minds of the leaders of the peoples old and new, who must be dedicated to the service of peace and the betterment of mankind, 118. I cannot conclude without a thought and a prayer for those who, undaunted in spirit, have laid down their lives on the battlefields of Korea, with the picture of their native, land and the vision of their dear ones before their dimming eyes. I cannot conclude without reverently recalling the sacrifice of the thousands of mothers and wives who anxiously await the return of the gallant defenders of the peace. I cannot conclude without paying a warm and fervent tribute of lasting admiration for the heroic young men who are fighting, not to win a war, but to win the peace.