We sincerely regret Mr. Trygve Lie’s decision to resign his office of Secretary-General, which he has filled with so much credit and distinction through a period of great difficulty and stress. We desire to add our tribute of praise and appreciation to that of our fellow representatives of the great service that Mr. Lie has rendered to the cause of peace and to the building up of this great Organization during his period of office as Secretary-General of the United Nations.
17. We, the peoples of the United Nations, having resolved seven years ago to combine our efforts to accomplish certain aims, namely, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to secure the observance of fundamental human rights, to uphold the dignity and enhance the worth of the human person, to obtain recognition for and secure observance of the equal rights of men and women and of nations, large and small, to maintain justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law, and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom; and, for these ends, to practise tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours, to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security, to ensure that armed force shall not be used save in the common interest, and to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples, are now met together, for the seventh time in general session, to take stock of the progress made towards the achievement of these objectives, and to plan our further policies and programmes.
18. In our judgment, of all these aims the paramount one is the promotion of social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. So far as the United Nations is concerned, this is to be achieved mainly through the employment of international machinery “for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples”. The rest is either ancillary or subsidiary to this paramount objective.
19. Even the maintenance of international peace and security and the saving of mankind from the scourge of war is but an essential preliminary. If there is no peace, there can be no progress and no advancement towards a better life. Yet, though essential, it is only a means, a condition precedent, a sine qua non towards the achievement of the ultimate objective. It is not the objective itself. True it is, that so long as this condition is not firmly established, no appreciable progress can be made towards making the life of the average human being on this planet a source of satisfaction, joy and beauty. Nevertheless, we must safeguard ourselves against the tendency to overlook the fact that our real and true objective is to promote better standards of life in larger freedom for all peoples. We must not let the real objective be obscured by considerations which, however important and essential, are but subsidiary to and stepping stones towards our true and main objective. Nor must we permit other contingencies to destroy our perspective. Everything must be appraised and judged with reference to our main purpose and objective,
20. What progress have we made towards the achievement of that objective? Poverty, disease and ignorance are the problems that still continue to distress and preoccupy the vast bulk of mankind. In recent times the progress of science and technology has multiplied many times man’s control over and direction of the forces of nature and his capacity to process raw materials and primary products. But this augmentation of man’s powers and capacity, instead of being devoted wholly to the alleviation of distress and the promotion of prosperity, is being used largely to. devise the means of man’s destruction.
21. The United Nations Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance was inaugurated two years ago as part of the effort to divert some of the forces now available back to the beneficent service of man in areas where they are most needed for that purpose. The programme has made a good start and is expected to expand its activities and operations as resources and personnel become available. We have found the programme very helpful and we hope that under the wise and able guidance of Mr. David Owen, who has already done such good work in the Department of Economic Affairs, its activities will soon be expanded and multiplied. As compared with the needs of the under-developed countries, the resources available for the programme are pitifully inadequate and the programme suffers from the further handicap that it is being run on a year-to-year contribution basis. This makes large-scale long-term planning impossible. What is immediately needed is that the programme should be placed on a permanent basis with adequate funds and contributions to feed its expanding activities.
22. In this context, we venture to draw attention to a serious handicap to which under-developed countries are, in general, subject. The benefit that may be derived by any participating country from technical assistance programmes and plans, whether sponsored by the United Nations or of a bilateral or multilateral character, such as Point Four of the Colombo Plan, is related directly to the capacity of the country itself to carry out its own part of the programme or plan, which in turn is dependent upon many factors of a local and international character.
23. Predominant among these has come to be what is known as the balance of payments position, or, in other words, the capacity of a country to pay for its imports in the needed currencies after it has met the urgent demands of domestic financing. This is largely controlled by the price levels of raw materials and primary products. These have become liable to violent and frequent fluctuations. The recent heavy recession in the levels of these prices has brought countries whose economy is dependent upon these products face to face with another period of apprehended depression and distress. The world needs larger production. Acceleration is being urged through extension of areas, more effective utilization of resources and adoption of intensive methods. Falling prices, on the other hand, are bound to result in restricted production, carrying in its wake scarcity, famine conditions and starvation.
24. This recurring phenomenon calls for a permanent remedy. Deeper and more intensive research needs to be carried out into the causes that set these cycles in motion and the measures calculated to arrest and control them. While this is in progress, a review and consequential modifications of world trade policies must be vigorously pursued to avert the danger that threatens before it assumes the proportions of a catastrophe.
25. At its last session, the Economic and Social Council requested [resolution 416 (XIV)] the Secretary-General to appoint a group of experts to draw up plans for the setting up of a special international fund for administering grants-in-aid and low-interest loans to under-developed countries for financing non-self-liquidating projects. We welcome this move and shall look forward to the report with keen interest. The institution of such a fund would be yet another instance of international economic co-operation under the auspices of the United Nations. We earnestly hope that developed countries will show greater enthusiasm in support of the project to which their reactions so far have been none too encouraging. Support of the fund would be a concrete demonstration on their part of willingness to assist under-developed countries in establishing preconditions of development and in making provision for essential services and facilities which may not be paying in the narrow economic sense but without which no economic progress is possible.
26. With the President’s permission, I shall now advert to our other objectives.
27. The efforts to secure the observance of fundamental human rights and to uphold the dignity and enhance the worth of the human person are largely complementary of each other. In these spheres, the work of the United Nations can, in the main, be only of an educational character. The Organization can hope to promote these objectives normally only through precept. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights has been framed and adopted [resolution 217 (III)] and its adoption has been duly approved.
28. But these precepts and the efforts of UNESCO and other similar agencies do not appear yet to have had any appreciable effect in checking persecution, restraining intolerance and promoting movements and activities designed to eliminate inequalities and foster good neighbourliness and fraternal co-operation. Indeed, the prevailing tendency in many areas appears to be in the opposite direction. Racial, religious and colour discrimination and prejudice are being intensified, tolerance and persecution are exalted into virtues on a par with and often not to be distinguished from so-called patriotism.
29. It does not seem to have been sufficiently realized that mankind must henceforth perforce live very much closer together than it has done even in the recent past. If human life is not to degenerate into a welter of annoyances, frictions and bitternesses, a new modus vivendi must be evolved. A new pattern must be devised; fresh adjustments must be made. The widest tolerance and most beneficient co-operation must form the warp and woof of this new pattern. We must learn to tolerate and respect even what we may be disposed to regard as the other person’s prejudices. For he may be as passionately devoted to them as we are to what we believe in as our ideals.
30. The affirmation of faith in the equal rights of nations, large and small, in the Preamble of the Charter, is interpreted in the purposes of the United Nations as development of friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples”. Here is the explicit recognition and acceptance of the fundamental truth that friendly relations among nations can be established and developed only on the basis of respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples.
31. Every contravention of this fundamental principle in practice, even when attempts are made to cover it up by loud verbal affirmations of it, gives rise to internal strife and conflict and soon develops into an active threat to the maintenance of international peace and security. In fact, the very notion of political domination and subordination is inconsistent with fundamental human rights and the dignity and worth of the human person. It is also subversive of peace and friendship among nations. The relationship is destructive of the higher moral values both in those who exercise the domination and in those who are subjected to it. This is no longer denied even by those who vehemently resist the application of the principle of self-determination where their own interests may be deemed to be involved. The resistance takes the form of evasions, misinterpretations, subterfuges and equivocations.
32. A common and somewhat naive device is to invite the rest of us to believe that those exercising domination appreciate and can judge of the true interests of the dominated peoples better than those peoples themselves. It is not a matter for surprise that such devices fail to achieve their purpose, at least with those of us who have, through personal experience, been familiar with what this relationship means to the dominated. Too often does it spell an ascending crescendo of disappointments, frustrations, mortifications and martyrdom of the body and, what is even more insupportable, of the spirit,
33. Another weapon which it is sought to press into service for the purpose of bolstering up this outmoded and immoral system, is some provision in a treaty or convention directly imposing or indirectly introducing the relationship of domination and dependence.
34. In every instance of, the kind that has so far come to our notice the treaty or convention was the result of the use of aggressive force or was secured by coercion or in circumstances which left the other party little choice in the matter. Most treaties and arrangements of this type are also vitiated by the consideration that they purport to have been entered into on behalf of the dominated people by some ruler or functionary who was compelled or persuaded to barter away the birthright of the people in return for some benefit, exemption, indulgence, or consideration-substantial or illusory, granted or promised — for himself or his family,
35. Such a treaty or convention, however solemnly expressed, can claim no validity whatsoever. It merely attests to a breach of trust on the part of the ruler or functionary who purported to enter into it and a procurement and abetment of such a breach on the part of the dominant Power in whose favour it was executed. As submitted, by me last year, “no arrangement can, in our view, claim moral validity, which is not arrived at between the representatives of a free people occupying a position of equality vis-à-vis their opposite numbers and subject to no pressure or coercion of any description”.
36. The truth is that political domination of one people by another is today an anachronism and a destructive one. Unfortunately it is not possible to get rid of it at one stroke. The process of self-determination must, however, be accelerated. Expression is sometimes given to the apprehension that this might start conflicts and lead to disruption and disintegration. The exact reverse is the truth,
37. It must be recognized, clearly and finally, that the system is utterly inconsistent with, and repugnant to, the pattern that we are all seeking to set up. It must be completely liquidated as early as possible. This is the only course that will obviate conflict and lay the foundations of friendly co-operation between free, self-respecting and independent peoples. The adjustment has been successfully carried out over part of the field but is overdue in the rest. If undertaken immediately and pursued vigorously and in good faith without mental reservations, it can become the most potent instrument for eliminating conflicts and inequalities and ushering in an era of healthy and fruitful co-operation in pursuit of the ideal of a fuller, richer And happier life for all the peoples of the earth.
38. There is no reason whatever why the adjustment should not be carried out in complete friendliness between the parties primarily concerned in each case. The only obstacle in the way of such a consummation being achieved at an early date is a short-sighted view, entertained by a section of the dominating people, of what they choose to- consider their political and economic interests. This view disregards the inevitability of the issue of the conflict and ignores the glaring lessons to be learned and the inescapable conclusions to be drawn from recent political and constitutional developments. The only alternative is conflict, sharp and bitter, involving large sections of mankind and progressively destructive of friendliness and co-operation.
39. We earnestly and passionately hope and pray that the needed and inevitable adjustment will be speedily achieved through friendly co-operation in a manner that would promote and foster the well-being and prosperity both of those who are today in a position of domination and of those who are dominated, rather than through the fiery and consuming process of conflict and bitterness. We shall continue, sincerely and earnestly, to devote our efforts and endeavours towards the speediest achievement of this ideal through peaceful means.
40, It is most gratifying to have been authoritatively informed this morning from this rostrum that an agreement in this field has been arrived at between the Egyptian Government and all. Sudanese political parties affirming the right of the Sudanese to complete self-determination. This agreement has been incorporated into certain articles, three of which were quoted to the General Assembly this morning. We attach the highest importance to the fact that such a difficult problem, which was holding up both progress towards the securing of international peace in that and in wider regions and a settlement between certain governments vitally interested in this question, should have been reached. We shall look forward to the speedy implementation of this agreement in a peaceful manner by all the parties concerned.
41, I now venture to submit a few observations on the subject of the maintenance of international peace and security.
42, The United Nations has not succeeded in establishing a record, in this respect, in which we may take legitimate pride. Its failures to resolve disputes and conflicts are, alas, only too conspicuous. It is true that the credit side of the balance sheet is not altogether blank, but the entries on that side are too few and insignificant as compared with those on the debit side. It may be conceded that the main responsibility for this state of affairs must rest heavily upon the individual Member States concerned. But the Organization cannot be exonerated in this respect either. Its principal default has been that it has, too often, not only tolerated but, through its complacency and dilatory methods, in many instances encouraged wide divergence between its declared and accepted purposes and principles and the action and behaviour of intransigent Member States. At times it has seemed to us that there has been a desire to promote and prolong, rather than to arrest the progress of and resolve, disputes and conflicts.
43, In Paris we sounded a note of warning that the Organization was tending to become an arena of power politics. We are constrained to submit that that tendency has been intensified during the year that has since elapsed. Only too often approach towards grave problems, in some instances of tragic import, is determined by “who says this" rather than by the merits of what is said, suggested or proposed. In too many instances, actions and proposals are dictated by the desire to manoeuvre for position or the effort to build up prestige rather than by the just requirements of the problem to be resolved.
44, Of the conflicts that, at the present foment, constitute threats to the maintenance of international peace and security, it may be expected that I should make specific mention of Korea and Kashmir. The latter is again under discussion before the Security Council. Out of deference to that organ of the United Nations, which is seized of the problem, and to avoid causing it embarrassment in its handling of it, I would refrain from commenting upon it here beyond stressing the obvious consideration that the dispute has now been pending before the Security Council for close upon five years and that the failure of the Council to resolve the deadlock that has, for over three years and a half, blocked all progress towards the holding of the agreed fair and impartial plebiscite, has not served to strengthen the authority or to enhance the prestige of the United Nations,
45. Korea is also under discussion in the First Committee. We shall, in due course, submit our views on the subject to the Committee. This much, however, may at this stage be observed. We are intensely anxious that this blatant breach of international peace shall be speedily remedied and healed. We have followed the course of the debate in the Committee with care. It does not seem to us that there are any insuperable difficulties in the way of bringing the conflict in Korea to a close, on a basis which should be just, humane, and honourable for all concerned. We hope that a settlement of that description may be reached during the course of this session of the General Assembly. We shall be ready to do our share in and make our due contribution towards converting that hope into a reality.
46. If this hope is realized, the way may be opened for adjusting the other factors in what has come to be known as the East-West tension. We are persuaded that the main elements in this tension are fears of each other's designs and suspicions of each other’s motives. We should be loath and most unhappy to believe that the economic and political systems espoused and sponsored by the major protagonists are so exclusive, contradictory and destructive of each other that all possibility of friendly and even beneficent co-operation between the two sides must finally be ruled out.
47. We believe that there is Still room for hope that understanding and mutual adjustment may be reached. The first essential, however, is that the fears on each side must be stated, appreciated, faced and met in a spirit of understanding inspired by a desire to seek and arrive at accommodation and accord rather than to secure the triumph of one side or the other.
48. The process may be difficult. It is bound to involve adjustments that may appear unwelcome and sacrifices that may seem bitter. But it may well turn out that the adjustments are but the fulfilment of needs on both sides and that the sacrifice affects only prejudices, and, taboos. Even if more should be involved, are both sides so certain and convinced of the absolute rightness of their stand that all attempt at adjustment and accommodation must be abandoned before it is seriously entered upon? That would spell a calamity the like of which mankind has not been called up to face before and which it may not be capable of surviving, at least with any reasonable chance of being able to remake and rebuild a happy world for any section of it.
49. We earnestly pray that that calamity may be averted and that we shall learn to co-operate together to the end that all our effort and endeavour shall be directed towards securing for the average man, woman and child, a rich, joyous and fruitful life on earth. May God grant us the vision, the wisdom and the strength needed to enable us to set in motion the processes, that should culminate in the achievement of that joyous consummation. Amen. Our last observation is "All praise is due to God, the Creator and Sustainer of all the universes".