The year that has elapsed since the last session of the General Assembly has brought no constructive elements to the consolidation of world peace. On the contrary, the prolongation of a situation already sufficiently confused and dangerous might be interpreted us a symptom of deterioration. An ill that persists becomes, by that fact alone, a greater ill. The tension in the relations between the great Powers continues. Blood is still flowing in Korea. In addition to the cold war, which seems to be perpetuating itself, and the hot war, which refuses to yield to efforts of pacification, we find ourselves also confronted by equally dangerous intermediary situations, such as the activities of the guerrillas in the Malay Peninsula and the communist military action in Indochina, In reality, these are wars, no matter what we may choose to call them. Every day they claim numerous victims and cause terrible material and moral damage. More than ever peace is on the lips of men. A hollow sound, for there is no peace, neither in the hearts nor in the minds of nations. The world lives in perpetual anxiety and in the oppressiveness created by the persistent menace of some new catastrophe. This is the sad truth. It would serve no purpose to conceal it.
69. Faced by this state of affairs, the seventh session of the General Assembly of the United Nations owes it to itself to exert greater efforts in the attempt to control a situation pregnant with danger. It is true that the Assembly is not endowed with direct and immediate means of action. However, it enjoys a prestige that is unchallenged and the highest moral authority, for it constitutes the principal instrument of deliberation and expression of the international community. It is this prestige and authority which the General Assembly is called upon.to devote to the cause of peace.
70. I think that at this present hour our principal task consists in clarifying the situation, in dissipating the confusion which all too often prevents us from defining the problems which preoccupy us, and in recommending to all solutions that are equitable. Above all, we must attempt to ensure that the fundamental principles embodied in the Charter prevail. If compromise solutions are possible, we must seek them. But such solutions are acceptable only in so far as they do not betray the Charter. Legality is still the only firm ground upon which we can hope one day to build a better world. Compromise upon questions of principle is a perilous slope leading to certain disaster.
71. These principles can make their beneficial impact felt only if continuity is secured in their implementation. That is why my delegation heard with deep concern of Mr. Trygve Lie’s intention to resign his post.
72. In the course of the general debate, several speakers have proposed the revision of the Charter, Forced) by the shortcomings and weaknesses which are indeed disquieting to the peoples who have placed their hope in this Organization, some have thought that the remedy for this situation could be found in the perfecting of its statutory instrument, It is always possible to work out better texts — without, however, being sure that the new texts will be perfect. But we must, above all, guard against hiding behind a text in order to avoid our own responsibilities. Dangerous illusions can be created in this way.
73. Before revising texts, we should try to reform men. So long as there is a continuation of the methods and political tendencies with which we are all familiar, and which are contrary not only to the letter but more particularly to the spirit of the Charter, the situation cannot change, however perfect the texts.
74. In the days of the League of Nations, long discussions were held concerning the need to seal up “the cracks in the Covenant”, by which was meant making it less easy for the signatories of the Covenant to avoid the strict performance of the obligations which they had assumed. We all know now that the demise of the League of Nations should not be attributed to those “cracks”, but rather to the spirit of domination which developed in certain great Powers after the First World War and to the totalitarian regimes which subsequently translated that aggressive spirit into action. It is even possible that the “cracks” — for a time, at least — retarded the break-up of the Covenant.
75. In the light of this experience, we believe that the statutory framework of the United Nations must remain as wide and flexible as possible. Even when the question of revision of the Charter, in accordance with Article 109, actually arises, I consider it desirable that, we should not deviate in too radical a manner from this principle. For it facilitates the coexistence within our Organization of the most diverse regimes and of the most contradictory ideologies.
76. We all have a vital interest in perpetuating the contacts established by the United Nations between worlds which at first sight appear to be mutually irreconcilable. It is true that these contacts have not as yet been very edifying. Too often, alas, they take the form of quarrels and disputes. They are sometimes the object of propaganda abuses and of verbal warfare. But, in spite of all this, these contacts are preferable to silent grudges and isolation. They enclose a human factor rich in hope. The United Nations today is, as it were, a bridge flung across the chasm separating the two worlds. We must not forget that that bridge is precariously balanced, and that on that “bridge of hope” man and his destiny stand.
77. It is true that within these halls it is difficult to understand the language of the Soviet bloc and to make ourselves understood by it. The facilities of simultaneous interpretation, radio apparatus and all the technical equipment which we possess cannot overcome this basic obstacle. We are still waiting for that genius of translation who will be able to convey, in the language of the free world, words such as “democracy”, “democratic”, “liberty”, “justice” and so forth — words which sound so well in the speeches of the communist orators, but which in their minds seem to have a totally different meaning from that which we give them. If we ever discover that rare translator, we shall be able to add to the dial of our simultaneous-interpretation instrument a sixth language indicator — that of the East-West language. Then, by a simple mechanical adjustment, we shall at last manage to understand each other. Until that day comes, all that we can do is to remain patient and persevering and faithful to the principles of peace by which we are inspired.
78. The freedom of thought to which we are attached should lead us to mutual tolerance and a respect of the opinion of others. I am well aware that on this point in particular the representatives of the Soviet world face an additional difficulty. As representatives of our respective countries, we are all obliged to follow the instructions of our governments. Nevertheless, within the framework of these instructions, we all retain our freedom of thought, action and reaction. But Soviet Union representatives, I fear, do not possess this liberty, even to a relative extent. If we sometimes feel that they are so far apart from us, it is not their fault. They are obliged to maintain severe and rigid self-discipline and to eschew reactions contrary not only to the instructions they receive, but also to the imperative mandate of the communist Bible — that is, the concepts of Marx, Lenin and Generalissimo Stalin. This attitude leads to the suppression of the human factor, which, in all negotiations, facilitates the bridging of conflicting theses. This attitude constitutes an additional obstacle in the path of mutual understanding.
79. Yet, within the United Nations, all who respect the principles of the Charter should indeed be able to take a position independent of their ideology and the political regime under which they live. Only those who violate their undertakings and prefer to forsake international order are subject to the sanctions provided for in the Charter. Those who deliberately choose the path of violence must be made to realize that, in future, this path can lead only to disaster, because it is blocked by the determination of the United Nations to put an end to the arbitrary dictates of force. The case of Korea demonstrates the resolution with which peoples have entered upon the path of collective security. In this manner, the United Nations has become the supreme court of a new international order guaranteeing a peaceful existence to the world. This new order will be the final achievement of the evolution which is now taking place, as well as the fruit of patience and perseverance and the sacrifices made by all of us in order to secure a better future for ourselves — or at least for generations to come.
80. This year, too, we have talked a great deal about peace in these halls. But peace is a living reality, a movement of action and not of empty words. To transform action into words is to drain action of its substance. This is all the more true when the words are conceived in an aggressive spirit. It is indeed a strange form of pacifism which not only refuses to transform itself into action, but also chooses for its expression terms which are insulting, offensive and aggressive. Before engaging upon the task of military disarmament, it would be well to achieve moral disarmament. Before disarming the mailed fist, we should succeed in allaying the spirit of hostility in the heart, for hostility always impedes any genuine endeavour for peace. Good faith and a sincere desire for collaboration have often changed the course of history,
81. In this connexion I should like to call the Assembly’s attention particularly to the evolution of the political situation in the free sector of the Balkans.
82. Members are aware of the fraternal bonds which now unite Greece and Turkey. It is not necessary to recall that these two countries were once engaged in hostilities which had been going on through the ages. It took only the enlightened determination of two great national leaders to transform these hostilities into trustful and fruitful collaboration. In order to arrive at this happy result, mutual sacrifices were made and traditional tendencies were readjusted. It sometimes takes more courage to make peace than to make war. The present Graeco-Turkish collaboration is not a matter of empty words, but a living: act of peace.
83. In this same sector of the Balkans, we may record further pacific achievements. In spite of their differing economic and social systems — and I stress this very important point — relations between Yugoslavia and Greece are developing in the direction of friendly cooperation. Does not this example prove that, whenever peoples choose the path of mutual respect and peaceful understanding, they are certain to arrive at satisfactory solutions of the differences which divide them?
84. The peaceful evolution of Graeco-Turkish and Graeco-Yugoslav relations clearly demonstrates that neither historical nor ideological opposition constitutes a definite obstacle in the path of peace. All obstacles can be removed if there is proof of good faith on both sides and if any intention to dominate by violence is abandoned, I trust that the General Assembly may find it in its interests to lean towards the living example to which I have drawn its attention.
85. Another point of great Importance on which the future existence of the United Nations depends has to do with the view on sovereignty held by Member States. We are aware that this view is in process of evolution between two extreme tendencies. One leans towards the belief that the State is not responsible to the rest of the world for anything that goes on within its borders, and the other leans towards the belief that every guarantee or safeguard against the most malevolent and inadmissible interference from outside should be removed. I do not at this moment intend to digress into a discussion of so controversial a field of international law. I merely wish to state that my delegation considers that these two extremes are equally dangerous, Reasonable, moderate and balanced solutions are always the best solutions. It would be wrong to ignore the fact that man is progressively ceasing to be an object and is becoming a subject of international law and order. But it would be equally wrong to attempt to force the course of this evolution and precipitate premature solutions. For in either case one would risk provoking violent reactions which might run counter to the goal pursued.
86. What is true of the individual is also true of peoples. In principle, the right of peoples to self-determination is no longer contested. This right has been consecrated by the universal conscience, and the United Nations is therefore fully justified in placing the problem of its fulfilment at the forefront of its preoccupations. Here also, in the very interests of the people concerned, it would be wise to move forward gradually and by stages. Any sudden upheaval effected without adequate preparation would be likely to provoke very grave crises,
87. In order to avoid this danger, sincere collaboration between interested parties is imperative. And on this very important point I do not think a better formula can be found than that proposed here by the representative of Canada [382nd meeting] who so eloquently and substantially summarized the requirements of such a collaboration. In order that a collaboration of this sort might be possible and fruitful, Mr. Martin said, moderation on the one side and good faith on the other were requisite. One might add to this that it would be profitable if these qualities of moderation and good faith were shown on both sides.
88. I believe that I am entitled to say that the Hellenic Government has already adopted this formula and desires to abide by it in regulating its conduct in a matter of immediate interest to the Greek people. I do not consider it necessary to specify this matter; it is alive in the consciousness of all. My Government hopes that its attitude will not fail to arouse an echoing response,
89. However, on the general level, it is necessary to observe that if this formula should prove to be unworkable, the responsibility for the ensuing set-back would rest upon the shoulders of those parties who failed to manifest a proper comprehension with regard to the problems in connexion with which efforts are being made to find reasonable and balanced solutions.
90. In regard to these preoccupations, the United Nations has an important mission to fulfil. This mission is defined by the Charter, It must also meet the grave responsibilities of the present time, since it is not merely a question of ensuring the application of the principles of justice, but also of avoiding upheavals and confusions which are of advantage only to those interests that are opposed to these principles.
91. On the agenda of the present session of the General Assembly there are two questions which are of direct interest to Greece. The first is that of the abduction of Greek children; the second concerns Greek military personnel taken prisoner by the communist bands during the years 1947 to 1949, These prisoners were removed to countries within the Soviet bloc and are being retained there in defiance of every principle of justice and humanity. These questions will be duly examined by the competent committees, and the (General Assembly will be called upon in due course to decide upon the various draft resolutions which will be submitted to it. Therefore I do not intend at this point to enter into the substance of these questions.
92. I cannot, however, refrain from drawing the particular attention of the General Assembly to one fact which is of even wider interest and which affects the most elementary standards governing every civilized community.
93. This fact is that, in spite of the successive resolutions2 in which the General Assembly, since 1948, has urgently recommended the return of the Greek children to their homes, in spite of the laudable efforts in the same direction made so perseveringly by the Standing Committee on Repatriation of Greek Children appointed by the General Assembly, and by the International Red Cross, in spite of the wave of indignation aroused in the whole world by the most abject, the most abominable crime in the annals of modern times, the countries of the Cominform have defied all entreaties and remained deaf to all appeals. The United Nations, the international welfare organizations, in fact, all the legal and moral potential of the civilized world, have been mobilized to save these innocent victims; yet they have not been able to extricate from the clutches of the Cominform one single Greek child.
94. And we are all here to give testimony to the impotence of international law and order. This fact is significant and casts a grim shadow over the future of the world. On the day when a mother can no longer be sure of being able to keep her child enfolded in her arms, the future of the world is indeed at stake. Upon this future a grave menace will constantly weigh — the menace of a great conspiracy hatching its mortal plot in the darkness of its impunity.
95. The day is not far distant when this question will no longer appear on the agenda of the General Assembly, and a time will come when the eyes of thousands of Greek mothers, weary of weeping without hope, will grow dry. Is it possible, at such cruel cost, that we should ever forget? I do not believe it — even time has not the power to expunge a crime which carries within it the germ of further crimes. It will not be an easy thing to turn over this melancholy page of history.
96. This heart-rending tragedy has traced a deep furrow in the universal conscience. Nothing can remove it. And those who carry the crushing burden of responsibility for this tragedy will be hounded constantly by the voice of that conscience crying out to them: “We have not forgotten the children of Greece!”