Seven years have elapsed since the Second World War came to an end. Yet the clouds of war still hang over our heads, barring the rays of peace from penetrating our hearts. We still live in a world in which crises, tensions and restlessness prevail, Palestine, North Africa, Korea and Germany are only samples of the danger spots which await just, firm and statesmanlike decisions. Political and social unrest, tension between East and West and a high fever in an armament race are some of the outstanding features of our time.
123. The reason for all this is not difficult to find. We still live mentally and spiritually in the pre-United Nations days when power politics, the struggle for domination and a false sense of racial and national superiority were the order of the day. Some vestiges of our primitive heritage, such as the habits of greed, deceit, cruelty, the desire to dominate others, mutual fear and suspicion of each other, still affect our political behaviour. We know very well that these vestiges can only lead to war. We know very well what sorrow and destruction war brings to mankind. In the age of the jet and the atom, war means the total destruction of mankind, with all its spiritual, moral, scientific and artistic heritage.
124. There are only two alternatives before mankind today — to learn or to perish. We must either learn the moral, social and political values required for our age, or we shall all perish. Our primitive heritage does not pay us anymore. It does not lead to survival. It leads to total destruction. We must outgrow it. In his assent to the human level, man always had the advantage of using his intelligence and ability to learn. Prophets, religious leaders, philosophers, great political thinkers, teachers of ethics and morality all taught the rules of communal living. But have we learned these rules?
125. The maxim of “do unto others as you would that they should do unto you" is one of the highest and noblest of the guiding principles that should regulate and direct our political thinking. If those nations which contributed to the tragedy of the Arabs of Palestine had learned this maxim, much trouble and human suffering would have been spared. If that great nation, France, were to apply this very maxim in its relations with the people of North Africa, there would probably be no questions of Tunisia and Morocco in this General Assembly.
126. The principles of the French Revolution, the American Declaration Independence, the Wilsonian principles and especially the principle of self-determination of peoples, the Covenant of the League of Nations, the Atlantic Charter, President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms and, last but not least, the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, all provide lofty aims and ideals which await not local, continental or partial observance, but full and universal application. The acceptance or rejection of these principles today by all nations, great and small, is not a matter of preference and procrastination; at is a matter of necessity, urgency and life or death for the whole human race,
127. In this atomic age, the ideas of “one world” and the equality of man, irrespective of race, colour, creed or geographical position, are most basic for our survival and common action, If the nineteenth-century ideas of colonialism, superiority of the white man and the “white man’s burden” are not finally abandoned by the colonial Powers, there is no hope for attaining peace, harmony and co-operation in the modern world and the seeds of war and unrest will germinate among nations.
128. There is no doubt that political consciousness is growing among peoples who have a great historical heritage behind them, like the peoples of North Africa. It is only right that this political consciousness should be helped and guided, so that these peoples may rise and flourish in a friendly and harmonious international atmosphere, rather than that it should be thwarted, suppressed, and its very existence denied. The policy of the ostrich burying its head in the sand does not help in dealing with peoples who are developing their national consciousness. The politics of domination and exploitation should give way to the new politics of liberation and co-operation.
129. This session of the General Assembly certainly presents us with a turning point in the history of the world, as it provides us with a testing point in international relations between the European nations, on one side, and the Asian and African peoples, on the other. For over two centuries, Europe has dominated many parts of Asia and Africa. Now both Asia and Africa are rising. Political consciousness, the desire for freedom and independence, the desire for a place in the sun, and the rejection of foreign domination and exploitation, are the order of the day in Asia and in some parts of Africa. Does Europe intend to accept the challenge of freedom and liberation and to help all these peoples in the path of freedom and development, acting in the light of the highest tenets of its tradition and civilization, or do the colonial Powers intend to resist, suppress and oppress the nationalists, thus giving rise to international discord and unrest? The independence of India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Ceylon, Burma and others certainly points in the right direction. We sincerely hope that other colonial Powers will follow suit and contribute to a friendly and pleasant atmosphere of international understanding between Europe, on the one hand, and the Asia and African peoples, on the other.
130. It is our sincere hope that France, whose ideals of liberty are the object of admiration, will demonstrate to the world that these ideals can be practised on an international scale and that the freedom and equality emanating from independence and self-determination will be enjoyed by all the peoples Of North Africa. We wish to make it clear at this stage that my Government, in joining other Arab and Asian States in putting the items on Tunisia and Morocco on the agenda of this session, did not intend in any way to cause an embarrassment our great friend, France. We, who are connected with the peoples of North Africa by the ties of history, language, religion and culture, are particularly concerned about the destiny of these peoples and their desire for independence and national liberation. We believe that the United Nations, in discussing the matters of Tunisia and Morocco in a friendly atmosphere, can greatly help France in reaching a friendly and liberating settlement with the peoples of these territories.
131. We wish here sincerely to appeal to the French Government to help the United Nations to use its good offices in dealing with Tunisia and Morocco. It is no use arguing that these are matters of domestic jurisdiction belonging to France alone. Tunisia and Morocco are sovereign States which are in treaty relations with France, and their problems have taken on such world-wide importance and significance that they will affect international relations between Europe, on one side, and Asia and Africa, on the other. The matter cannot be left to France and the peoples of Tunisia and Morocco alone, especially after finding that, left to itself, the French Government has not been able to satisfy the national aspirations of the peoples of these territories.
132. We sincerely hope that the noble people of France will come to appreciate the fact that the peoples of North Africa have their national aspirations and that the principles of liberte, egalite, fraternite apply to the peoples of North Africa as well as to those of France. That is why we cannot find any justification for thwarting the national aspirations of, the peoples of North Africa for the sake of a relatively small number of French colons. The French colons should be advised, for the sake of future good relations of all, to sympathize and co-operate with the nationalists rather than to oppose or object to their national independence.
133. It is with the deep and sincere conviction that modern human relations cannot be founded on race or colour superiority and that the era of “one World” and the equality of man cannot tolerate racial discrimination and colour segregation, that my delegation joined other Asian and African delegations in asking that the item on racial legislation and segregation in the Union of South Africa should be put on the agenda of this session. We believe that this matter is of such world-wide international significance and that it affects international friendship and happy relations to such an extent that we hope this General Assembly will make a further recommendation to the Union of South Africa to reconsider its policy.
134. It is always essential for the United Nations to take the feelings and thoughts of the peoples of the world towards its achievements or non-achievements into consideration. There is no doubt that my country, like many others, optimistically thought that, after the Second World War, humanity was entering a new era of peace based on freedom and justice. The United Nations was to guarantee for the world a peace based on freedom and justice. The initial years of United Nations activity coincided with the liberation of the sister States of Syria and Lebanon, a fact which greatly enhanced the reputation and prestige of the United Nations in that part of the world.
135. The shock was terrific, however, when the United Nations handled the question of Palestine. The matter was handled by the united Nations in such a rash land unjust way that the result was to turn out one million innocent Arabs, Moslems and Christians alike, from their homes. The plight of these refugees, who were driven out by Zionist terrorists whose practice I was to exterminate all the inhabitants of villages, like Deir-Yasin, butchering old men, women and children and mutilating them, shocks human conscience. These peaceful and innocent people had done nothing to deserve this treatment resulting from an illegal and unjust United Nations resolution passed under the pressure of power politics.
136. But no matter how wretched and inhuman the treatment of refugees has been and still is today, they will never give up their right to their home in Palestine, for Palestine to them is not merely a physical and material setting which could be exchanged at will. It is their spiritual home, which they have inhabited for thousands of years and which they will not abandon for any material compensation or gain.
137. The United Nations cannot very well absolve itself from the responsibility of rendering justice to the Arabs of Palestine without seriously undermining its moral prestige. It is on its attitude towards Palestine more than any other issue that the morality and justice of the United Nations is measured by my people and by all peoples who harbour the notions of religion, humanity and justice. The status of the Arabs of Palestine has provided the barometer for world conscience and morality and for all that goes to make up a humanity worthy of the name. The United Nations Organization cannot afford to forget or obliterate the rights of the Arabs of Palestine to their own homeland and remain equally strong as a world organization for peace and justice.
138. By its resolution [181 (II)] of 29 November 1947, the United Nations is thus responsible for the creation of the factor which most disturbs the peace and stability of the Middle East. It is in this light that my people look at the United Nations today.
139. Having adopted that unjust resolution, having caused that bleeding wound in the heart of the Middle East, the United Nations should at least see to it that its resolutions, which are the very raison d’être of Israel, should be respected. Unfortunately, we find that all its resolutions that do not suit Zionist interests have been flagrantly ignored, denied and violated by Israel. The United Nations resolution divided Palestine into three shares, one to go to the Jews, the other to go to the Arabs, and the third to belong to the whole world. Israel took what was allotted to it, adding most of what was allotted to the Arabs, and it defied the internationalization of Jerusalem by transferring its capital to that territory, which cannot legally or spiritually belong to it alone.
140. The United Nations resolved in 1948 [resolution 194 (III)] that those Arab refugees who chose to do so could return to their own homes in Palestine and live in peace with their neighbours, and that those who did not wish to return should be compensated. Four years have elapsed since the resolution was passed, and Israel has constantly defied its implementation. Nearly one million Arab refugees, Moslems and Christians, still live under the most pitful conditions, suffering from famine, sickness and degradation. They will not abandon their rights to their home in Palestine. But why should they be deprived of their own houses and lands? Because Israel has illegally usurped them.
141. Will the United Nations remain indifferent to the implementation of its resolutions — which themselves nave been prejudicial to the Arabs of Palestine — thus denying to the Arabs even what is left for them in Palestine, and still expect peace and stability to prevail in the Middle East?
142. Israel has not only undermined United Nations influence and prestige in that part of the world, but it continues to be provocative and disturbing to peace. Its large-scale military preparations, its continued aggression on the border, involving constant killings of innocent Arabs who choose to return to their homes, and its continued flow of immigration, all constitute a danger to peace and stability in the Middle East which the United Nations cannot afford to ignore, for the situation is of its own making.
143. Besides, Israel is violating the most elementary rights of the Arabs to their own country and treating them very much like prisoners. The Israel Army recently shot innocent Arabs who are residents of Israel, killing three of them and wounding fifteen. When Mr. Ben Gurion was asked about the incident, his answer was that it was due to the inexperience of the Israel soldiers, and the matter stood there.
144. The United Nations cannot take lightly the question of Palestine simply because it keeps recurring on the agenda every year It must realize that, unless justice is done to the Arabs of Palestine and unless the bleeding of the wound is stopped, we can have no peace or stability in the Middle East. This is an honest and true picture of, the situation. Unfortunately, the United Nations has so far failed, through its relief agency or conciliation commission, to cope adequately with the situation. More serious thinking and more effective measures should be taken to make Israel recognize Arab rights in Palestine.
145. We often hear Israel speaking of peace with the Arabs. This is the peace which one who takes your home and kicks you out of it proposes to you on condition that you give up your home. This kind of peace no Arab can accept who is not a traitor to his own people. The truth is that the Zionists in Palestine want peace at the expense of the whole Arab world. This is no desire for peace. This is a desire to gain and to exploit.
146. In this troubled period of the world, the hope of mankind is pinned on the United Nations Organization. It is the one main organization which is expected to solve and settle in a peaceful and friendly atmosphere all the outstanding problems of mankind. It is expected to be the agency for the continued reduction of tensions and removal of the causes of war. It is expected to liberate and lead to independence all peoples who have developed political consciousness and national aspirations. It is hoped that the United Nations will help all under-developed countries to improve their economic, social and technical conditions, and see to it that those nations which have, contribute to those nations which do not — not with an aim of political domination and economic exploitation but in a spirit of co-operation and fair partnership leading to world stability, political and economic.
147. But what is the United Nations? Is it a superbody transcending all States and Powers, which can press the button and order things to move in a certain way or to assume a particular shape? Not at all. It is the will of the nations composing it, great and small, to co-operate in a common effort to make the world move in accordance with the principles and spirit of the Charter. We have all pledged ourselves? to abide by the principles of the Charter. It is upon the degree of our fulfilling our pledges that the success of this Organization depends. But have we all upheld our pledges, so as to make the United Nations Organization fulfil its mission?
148. We wish to mention only a few points which have, in our view, led to the serious weakening of the United Nations as an organization.
149. In the first place, we know very well that this Organization was established on the principle of the unanimity of the permanent members of the Security Council. Without this unanimity the Security Council is made almost impotent. The reason for the lack of unanimity is well known to us all. It is the lack of understanding and the deadlock between the Soviet bloc and the Western bloc. Unless this deadlock is overcome, there is not much hope of making the world enjoy peace and stability.
150. My delegation, together with the Syrian delegation, presented a draft resolution to the General Assembly [A/C.1/585 and Rev.1] calling on the five permanent members of the Security Council to meet individually or collectively to discuss their outstanding differences in accordance with the principles of the Charter, Although that resolution was adopted unanimously [377 (V)], two years have lapsed with no meeting of the permanent members being achieved. Had such a meeting taken place, the question of Korea would probably have long ago been settled. It is indeed a matter of deep regret that at this very moment that we are meeting here thousand of lives are being destroyed, with immeasurable material loss and sorrow.
151. The United Nations certainly carried out one of its basic and sacred duties when it went out “to help South Korea against the invasion from North Korea. But who can say that the perpetuation of this lamentable situation is not mainly due to the lack of understanding and agreement which prevails between the Soviet bloc and the Wester bloc, a fact which has resulted in great world-wide tension and a cold war. We regret that the call to cease fire which was made two years ago by the Arab and Asian group of States was not accepted at the time. Had that call been accepted at the time, thousands of lives and an immeasurable amount of sorrow and loss, both moral and material, could have been spared. We sincerely hope that greater efforts will be exerted to bring about an immediate cease-fire, to be followed by a lasting and honourable peace.
152. The fact that such meetings of the permanent members of the Security Council might yield fruitful results was shown by the initial meetings in camera of the twelve Powers — including the five permanent members of the Security Council — last year to discuss a basis for disarmament. Unfortunately, success did not seem to prevail at the later meetings on disarmament. We still maintain that there is no other alternative for avoiding tension and war but to meet, discuss and settle differences. If this fails, a group of impartial States must be asked to intervene for mediation or arbitration. This is the only way to avoid a major world catastrophe and to make the United Nations work.
153. Secondly, it is a matter of deep regret that this world Organization should shut its door to many countries. Countries like Italy, Spain, Portugal, Eire, Jordan, Libya, Ceylon, Hungary and Romania, should not have been kept outside the Organization. My delegation has consistently upheld the principle of the universality Of United Nations membership. The criterion to be applied to new Members should be that of the existing Members. There is no perfection in any State in the world today. We all have our defects and shortcomings. If an applicant State is like us, as far as the qualifications laid down by the Charter go, we cannot see how we can bar it from entry.
154. My delegation is particularly surprised that the young State of Libya, which attained its independence by a resolution [289 A (IV)] of the General Assembly, should have been barred from admission by those very States that voted for the resolution prescribing its entry into the United Nations upon the attainment of independence.
155. Thirdly, one of the most fatal blows to the United Nations took place in the Security Council this year, when a discussion of Tunisia was barred. My delegation believes that no greater blow could be struck at this Organization than to limit or bar freedom of discussion in this Organization on any matter coming within the scope of the Charter, It is most regrettable that this should have happened at the hands of the very States that champion freedom of discussion, Another important incident which we hope will never recur is the barring of representatives of people who have complaints to make to the United Nations from the United States.
156. We sincerely hope, for the sake of us all and for the sake of the prestige and influence of this Organization whose purpose is to maintain world peace and harmony, that no restrictions will be placed on the discussion of any topic coming within the scope of the Charter and that no individual or group of individuals representing people under foreign control will be prevented from reaching the United Nations.
157. Fourthly, we believe that it is time to give serious thought to revising the Charter in the light of the experience gained during the past seven years by calling for the general conference prescribed under Article 109 of the Charter. Any revision of the Charter must take at least two points into account. First, the conference must decide whether the rule of unanimity should be maintained. If the answer is affirmative, it must deal with the qualifications, rights and privileges of those States which are permanent members of the Security Council. What is it that entitles a certain State to become a permanent member, if permanency is required at all? The second point to be taken into account in revising the Charter is the right of dependent peoples to attain political independence, prescribing the conditions and methods by which a dependent people can attain independence without undergoing a period of unnecessary struggle and creating a feeling of acrimony between the ruling and the ruled.
158. The Arab world today is in a state of political, economic and social reformation. My country, which has all the potentialities for development and progress, is already doing its utmost in the way of developing its natural resources. Our revenue from petroleum is mainly dedicated to capital works which will contribute to the social, economic and cultural advancement of the people. What we need is peace. What we need is peace for the world at large, and for the Middle East in particular.
159. It is for this reason that we hope that all problems affecting the Arab world will be dealt with and settled on the basis of law and justice. We cannot have real peace until justice is rendered to the Arab? of Palestine. We cannot have peace until our brothers in North Africa are set on the path of freedom and independence.
160. Moreover, we look forward to a period of international co-operation and friendship in which we can benefit from the technical assistance of those friendly nations which can make that assistance available to us, and more especially through the United Nations. In this respect, I should like to allude to the question of financing the economic development of under-developed countries, which has been so thoroughly dealt with by Mr. Santa Cruz. It is our belief that the General Assembly at its present session should carefully consider this question, with a view to taking the necessary action to evolve an efficient and realistic system of international financial assistance.
161. Another aspect of economic development to which we attach special importance is the technical Assistance programme undertaken by the United Nations and its specialized agencies. We are happy to note the great expansion in the activities of the united Nations in this field, and we sincerely hope that the technical assistance programme will become a permanent feature of the work of this Organization, Iraq was an early and enthusiastic supporter of this programme, and we shall continue to take an active interest in its development and implementation.
162. In the social field, the United Nations has great and varied responsibilities. The work of the Economic .and Social Council and its various commissions in the fields of human rights, social welfare and freedom of information, has yielded many constructive results, but in our view it still has not gone far enough to solve the problems and allay the fears and tensions that overshadow our present-day society. We hope that the General Assembly at this session will develop and consolidate the work already accomplished and take whatever new action is deemed necessary to strengthen economic and social co-operation among nations.
163. Here I should like to pay tribute to the work of the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund — UNICEF — an organization which has saved thousands of children and women from death and destruction. We are glad to note that it has been acquiring a more permanent character and is now undertaking long-term projects with encouraging results. This is an unsensational aspect of the work of the United Nations which merits our highest attention and most active co-operation. It is our belief that governments and peoples should put their shoulders together, not only to enable UNICEF to continue its splendid work, but to make it a greater and more firmly established reality.
164. In short, my country firmly believes in peace based on justice and continues to support the ideals of the United Nations. We believe in one world based on, law, justice, freedom and prosperity for all, irrespective of race, colour, faith or geographical situation. May all the Members of this Organization, big and small, from east and from west, join in making the ideals of the United Nations a reality.