1. The General Assembly convenes in this eighth session to meet the complexity of world problems, many of which are old acquaintances. The Assembly’s agenda this year, as in previous years, covers a wide range of political and economic questions which are centred around two main issues: the issue of maintaining peace and ensuring collective security, to which are related the questions of Korea and disarmament, and the issue of colonialism and the unequal treatment of nations.
2. Around this second issue arise a variety of questions, such as Tunisia, Morocco, the Palestine refugees, apartheid in South Africa and the items related to the development of under-developed countries. Although these questions are varied, they are all the result of the ominous fact that over a thousand million people, about half the human race, still live in under-developed countries and are still subjected in one way or another to destructive foreign domination, economic poverty and exploitation, social instability and cultural frustration. This situation is imperilling the national development of these nations and making it difficult for them to contribute their rightful part, out of their own national genius, to general civilization and culture. These thousand million people are considered to be a part of the free world and are called upon to defend a free world which many of them have not yet discovered.
3. These two issues before the Assembly, therefore, that of maintaining peace and that of the liberation and development of the less developed countries, are the two fundamentals of the present world situation. Indeed, they are the two phases of the reality of our day, and neither of them can be divorced from the other, because their relationship is vital.
4. Peace cannot be maintained amidst dangerous and explosive situations, nor can it be rendered durable without the genuine and active help of half the human race. Peace can be achieved only by eliminating the causes which generate strife and developing positive conditions of well-being. The prerequisites of peace and international co-operation have been made clear in the Charter as comprising the right of self-determination, the equality of nations big and small, equal protection to all, and the sustained promotion of political, social, economic and cultural development, especially in the under-developed areas.
5. But since San Francisco our world horizons have changed. They are today nebulous and confused. Resurgent colonialism, revolutionary ideologies and power, politics have again taken the field. They are trying to make the world an arena of their contentions and struggles because war is upon us, sucking into its vortex all other issues. Whither are we tending? Today that is a question — a basic one — which, like a leitmotiv, is written across the political, economic, social and cultural horizons. The answer to this question cannot be delivered by revelation. It has to be delivered either by the United Nations or by war. The choice is clear. The United Nations is the only hope, and the General Assembly of the United Nations is the principal organ which can produce results.
6. A moment of reflection, however, would make us admit, although reluctantly, some discernible practices or tendencies in the Assembly which are of a nature to undermine its foundations and disrupt its functioning. I should like to take the liberty of mentioning them.
7. First, there is the practice in our deliberations — or the tendency, rather — that a priori opinions are at times definitely formed before the deliberations even start. Debate in the Assembly on the merits of the problem under discussion seems at times to be a forlorn hope. Opinions may he changed through discussion but there is less change in votes: opinions tend to become one thing and votes another. As a result of this situation many portions of the text of the Charter have gained in practice a multiplicity of meanings inspired by expediency and opportunist tendencies. When, at times, draft resolutions are put forward, their language is rationalized, with these passages of the Charter sapped of their spirit and real meaning. My country, for one, has experienced the effects of such trends in the case of Palestine and other questions. This tendency, however, is not always the prevailing one.
8. Secondly, when recommendations are made in the spirit of the Charter, in spite of all difficulties attending our deliberations, these recommendations are often disregarded, flouted or ignored. Disregard, by this or that Power, of the recommendations of the Assembly is indeed encouraged and made possible by the fact that such an attitude is sure to meet with complacency on the part of the group to which that Power may belong. That complacency is in itself very detrimental to the functioning of our Assembly.
9. Thirdly, there is a tendency influencing the functioning of the Assembly to use two yardsticks for measuring right and two yardsticks for measuring wrong, so that either one of the two yardsticks may be used, as suits the interests of this or that Power. When, for example, Israel aggression — the most cruel of its kind — destroyed the people of Palestine and made them disinherited refugees, the yardstick then employed amounted to a condoning of aggression and help to the aggressor. When, in another case, a situation arose within Korea, fostered by outside influences, the yardstick then used was very different indeed from that used in the case of Palestine.
10. Let us consider a more recent happening. When Member States were called upon to uphold collective action in Korea, we were told that that action was undertaken on behalf of the collectivity of nations. Later this affirmation was reiterated by the belligerent Powers. But when, upon the signing of the Korean armistice, we came to the matter of peace-making, another theory, another mode of thinking, another criterion was initiated: a theory, a criterion, based upon discrimination between the so-called neutral Members and the belligerent Members of the same side, as if the latter formed an exclusive alliance. That theory found its way into the United Nations, not to strengthen collective security but to impair the meaning of collective action. A new yardstick was developed to suit the needs of the moment and belligerency was used as a criterion of United Nations action both in peace and in war.
11. The effect of such an experience upon the thinking of various peoples in relation to possible future actions should not be underestimated. Decisions once taken should of course be upheld until they are changed by the Assembly, and my reference to that decision on Korea is made simply to illustrate my point; that in the functioning of the Assembly a system of double standards is at times applied to suit the subjective considerations of this or that Power or group of Powers.
12. Last but not least there is a tendency to relegate to the second or third place those questions which pertain to national liberation and self-determination, as well as those which pertain to the self-fulfilment of nations, their self-realization through the development of the less developed countries. These questions, I dare to say, do not receive in the Assembly the degree of attention which is commensurate with their real value and their international importance. In fact, the consideration of these questions usually ends with no practical or substantial international measures adequate to help either in promoting liberation or enhancing development.
13. I have mentioned these tendencies in no spirit of destructive criticism; I have mentioned them not to indicate in the least a lack of hope in the United Nations on our part. I have simply mentioned them in order to call for constructive efforts to remedy them and thus to increase hope in the United Nations and ensure its efficacy.
14. These practices or tendencies in the General Assembly are described at times as being realistic. In San Francisco, however, not only was an ideal born but an international treaty was concluded, an organized cooperative international body was shaped and instituted. The Charter, born of stern realities, is not a set of idealistic principles far from reality; it is a set of mutual obligations assumed. It was not drawn up in order to acknowledge norms of behaviour to which people can aspire but to establish standards of international conduct which Member States should actually follow in good faith and practice.
15. My Government, therefore, feels entitled to require that the treaty should be respected in practice and in good faith. We are deeply concerned with any trend which, under the pretext of the cold war and international tensions, causes the functions of the United Nations Assembly to be unduly affected by the policies of Powers or blocs of Powers. We hold that the atmosphere of the cold war should not furnish the air we breath in the Assembly. The Assembly, in order to fulfil its mission, must seek to free its practices from the influences of power politics and the phychosis of war, so as to be enabled to set itself on the path of peace and healthful international co-operation.
16. The excesses in the effects of power politics, as they have revealed themselves in the functioning of the Assembly, have prompted my country, among many other Arab, Asian and African countries, to react to them and to try to remedy them. If these excesses should continue they might render this Assembly as inoperative as the Security Council. The Asian-African countries, I submit, have grouped themselves together not in order to oppose any bloc, but rather to safeguard the independence of their views and policies from bloc action, and to be able to do their duty in the United Nations by ensuring greater objectivity in deliberations, more clarity and efficacy in resolutions, and more respect for the recommendations made; they especially desire to activate and strengthen measures connected with problems of national liberation and development in less developed countries. This group is often qualified as the “uncommitted” group. Yet it is a group which, in our humble view, is committed to the taking of constructive political action. Today this group of countries comprises about one-third of the human race. Let us hope that it will at least exert a beneficial influence upon those who have respect for the decent opinion of mankind.
17. My country fully supports the Asian-African group as a beneficial force in the United Nations, and constantly seeks to align its policy with that of the other members in a common endeavour.
18. Much can be done to reform the prevailing conditions in the Assembly within the provisions of the Charter as they now stand. At San Francisco, my country held views concerning the composition and functioning of the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and the Trusteeship Council, views which were not ultimately adopted. Our views at that time were overruled. But the Charter became our agreement — ours, one and all. It should today govern our international actions. The Charter itself, however, provides for its own revision. In our view, the United Nations would be well advised to bring about revision in the light of experience.
19. Allow me at this stage to refer to a question related to representation in the Security Council, and to observe that the present practice as to the distribution of seats in that Council seems to leave no practical possibility for the whole region of South-East Asia to be represented. In San Francisco, some of the countries of that region had not yet joined us. The present practice cannot have its foundations in the Charter inasmuch as it denies representation to that area. It is timely, therefore, to find means to enable the South- East Asian States to perform their duty in matters of security. This should provide us with some food for thought as to what might be done in the elections to the Security Council in future years.
20. The General Assembly, despite some tendencies which have developed in its functioning and despite the limitations laid down by the Charter on its actions, has nevertheless been evolving towards self-fulfilment. It has in fact developed into a world forum and an annually recurring international conference where the attitudes of nations, large and small, are heard. None can ignore that the recommendations of the Assembly, more so than those of the Security Council, command wide international support and constitute a moral force which is undoubtedly finding its way to the hearts and minds of men. Governments may choose to disregard its recommendations, but the peoples of the United Nations will ultimately influence their governments and help to mark out the course of history as peoples have always done.
21. I speak as the representative of a country which is part of the Arab homeland; its people are an Arab people. My country was subjected between 1920 and 1945 to foreign domination which took the form of a mandate. The Syrian people never recognized the mandate which was imposed on them and continued to struggle by every means until the mandate was ended, the foreign troops evacuated from our soil and, with them, the last remnants of foreign authority. We have therefore, like many nations, had our experience of colonialism which lasted for about a quarter of a century.
22. With liberation in Syria, and in other Arab countries, there arrived national construction and development, particularly in the last three years. That development is today gaining strength and momentum, forging its way ahead amidst internal and external difficulties. The difficulties are immense but they are difficulties of growth. With liberation came, too, international cooperation. In Syria we have always had an admiration for the great French people, but Syrian-French relations were never more friendly than they are now. Never before was co-operation between us and other countries more real and healthful than that which now stems from liberty and from the Charter.
23. In the light of oar experience with colonialism, the beneficial effect of liberation on national construction and its effect on international co-operation, we feel ourselves unable to condone colonialism anywhere. We take this attitude in common with many other countries which have had similar experiences, particularly those of Asia and Africa. It results not only from our will to support the right of self-determination but also from a realistic consideration that colonialism is beneficial neither to the colonizer nor to the colonized.
24. Since the Second Word War, over 600 million people have by their own means as achieved national liberty in a complete or almost complete form. In no case was liberty granted to them; in all cases they had to take it. The world-wide trend towards national liberation is a sign of our times for countries to note and contemplate. Resurgent colonialism, wherever it seeks to assert itself in any territory, is today meeting with ever-mounting and active discontent, summoning the dependent people to mass action for liberation. The colonial Powers have to spill much blood and -mend money in what seems to be a futile effort to turn the tide of history.
25. These Powers seek to continue the so-called white man’s burden, which burden is becoming heavier and heavier. The rational course to be taken in colonial matters is almost self-evident ; it consists in furthering the orderly and active evolution of dependent peoples towards self-government and independence, so that foreign domination may be replaced by free international co-operation. If, however, the General Assembly chooses to discuss rather than to act diligently on matters of colonialism, then orderly evolution may really become unrealistic in the minds of the colonized peoples. They may then seek to serve the very purpose of the Charter by means other than those of the United Nations. They may then resort to more realistic means, such as those used by Washington, Simon Bolivar and Jose de San Martin, for promoting liberty and international justice.
26. Turning to the Middle Eastern scene, we find some burning questions today which call for special attention. The Palestine problem as such is not on our agenda this year. No inference should be drawn from that that the Palestine problem is withdrawn from international care or that there is in any form a fait accompli definitely accepted in the Middle East. There is no accomplished fact in Palestine. By not bringing this question to the Assembly we simply preferred not to occupy the Assembly with repetitious discussions while the way to a solution had already been traced by previous resolutions. The way to a definite solution can come in sight only after the implementation of existing United Nations resolutions with regard to Palestine, whether they concern the refugees, the internationalization of Jerusalem or territorial and other aspects of the problem. Stability cannot be achieved in that area as long as Zionism is bent upon a policy of immigration and expansion through foreign help secured by pressure groups.
27. Last year the Assembly concluded its deliberations on Tunisia and Morocco by adopting resolutions [611 (VII) and 612 (VII)] the meaning and implementation of which can be summed up as follows. First, the objective to be attained in the case of these two countries is the exercise by them of their national sovereignty and independence. Secondly, this objective should be arrived at gradually, through a process of negotiations between each of the two countries and France. Thirdly, the United Nations by its action upheld its competence on these matters. The North African questions emerged from the restricted and heavy shadow of French-Moroccan and French-Tunisian issues to the true broad light of day as United Nations issues of importance. The stand of Morocco and Tunisia is not theirs alone. It is upheld and adopted by fifteen other Asian and African countries.
28. What has happened since last year? I do not aspire to have the eloquence and clarity of vision of Mr. Zafrulla Khan speaking on the subject [437th meeting] as he has done lately. But facts can eloquently speak for themselves. The evident facts which cannot be contested are the following.
29. The first is that the recommendations of the Assembly have been disregarded. It is for the Assembly to account for that in a further action.
30. Secondly, both the Moroccan and Tunisia, sides were insistent upon negotiating with the French side. The French Government preferred, however, to institute so-called reforms. Upon the refusal of the Sultan of Morocco to obey the wishes of France, and his heroic stand in support of the aspirations of his people, he was banished. Hundreds of Moroccans and Tunisians are now in jail and hundreds have been either killed or executed.
31. Thirdly, these so-called reforms are in fact composed of three main elements which I should like to mention. In the first place, these reforms consist of provisions which render the favoured French colonials in Tunisia and Morocco the real masters of these countries to the detriment of the peoples of Morocco and Tunisia. The sovereignty of these countries is thus virtually destroyed. Where is there here that consent of the governed about which, in another context, the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Dulles, used his innate ability to speak? Where is the right of self-determination proclaimed in the Charter? Secondly, with the French colonials enjoying the exercise of real sovereignty in Moroccan and Tunisian affairs, together with the French Resident-General, Morocco and Tunisia are pushed against their will into what is virtually a form of annexation to a French empire; or call it, if you prefer, a form of forced union in a colonial system, which system is to be kept away from United Nations vigilance behind a curtain, not of iron but nevertheless a thick curtain of domestic jurisdiction. I request my fellow representatives to read the text of these reforms attentively and to see whether they could find in them any substance beyond what I have submitted. Thirdly, these reforms, as they stand, are a retrogression from the treaties of Bardo and Fez, called the Treaties of Protectorates, both of which have at their very basis another act of force.
32. This is the gist of the situation. These are the fundamental facts of it. We shall try to elaborate them when the two items come under discussion in committee. Our stand is clear. We believe that the Tunisian and Moroccan peoples should be full masters of their own destinies, and that the United Nations General Assembly would be fulfilling its duty by assisting them to achieve an elderly evolution along the course set by the Charter and by the General Assembly resolutions. Surely a very big sector of the French people themselves is in favour of such a course.
33. In his speech [434th meeting] the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Dulles, toured the world from Korea to Europe, passing through Indo-China, without setting a foot on the African continent. Certainly one stride over the whole Middle East and Africa is a remarkably big one, but it is not surprising. The United States also helped to prevent the Security Council from having even a possibility of discussing an investigation of the North African situation, so as to see what kind of internal friction there was and what was the remedy that might be used. The forgetfulness of Mr. Dulles of the Middle East and Africa was evidently a matter of policy. In his speech the Secretary of State stopped for a length of time at Indo-China, apparently because he saw there a reddish banner and violent action. He gave his explanation of the situation in that country. The traditional banners of Morocco and Tunisia happen to be redish, too, but not out of communism. Popular action in those countries has been largely peaceful up to now. Evidently only communism and violence can attract the attention of the powerful in council and v ar.
34. Should North Africans then infer that in order to attract such high attention North Africa should import communism or should resort to violence on a large scale? Should the North Africans beget a Ho Chi Minh? Should they consider it unfortunate that Arabs have not been favourable to communism? Should we infer that the right of self-determination, the principle of the consent of the governed, the recommendations of the Assembly-taken with the concurrence of the United States — that all these have been heartily swallowed into the vortex of the cold war? If this is the case in a cold war, what would be the situation in a hot one? Should we conclude that orderly evolution in North Africa through United Nations means is not realistic?
35. Any of these inferences is hard to admit. Admitting the first one would amount, on the part of the United States, to an implicit call for communism and violence. Admitting the second would be a negation of the Charter. Silence on these issues leads nowhere except to serious questioning.
36. I question this stand. There are many who prefer to think that France would not have disregarded the recommendations of the Assembly so lightly and banished the Sultan had it not been for the expected complacency of other governments.
37. One thing, however, is certain. Sovereign Morocco was the first country to recognize the United States of America in the days of President Washington. That country merited better attention under President Eisenhower. I do not like to take the Assembly’s time to read some correspondence which passed between the United States, under Washington, and Morocco, or to read present-day agreements on the bases in North Africa, no matter how influential these agreements may be in forming opinions, but I assure you that the peoples of North Africa and the Middle East and Asia are pondering over this situation and scrutinizing it with deep concern. They expect a more rational and positive way than that of silence in dealing with this problem. They turn to others and say “a friend in need is a friend indeed”. The Moroccan and Tunisian peoples realize, however, that their destinies ultimately are in their own hands, supported by freedom-loving peoples everywhere.
38. My country, in common with Arab, Asian and African countries, supports the Tunisians and Moroccans with clarity of purpose, tranquil conscience and determination.
39. The question of the evacuation of troops from Egypt has been well aired in international circles. I need not, therefore, dwell on it. Needless to say, my country fully supports the Egyptian people in their stand and also their well-guided leaders.
40. Syria finds itself in the category of under-developed countries, which comprises many other countries in South America, Africa and Asia. Although Syria for the last two years has progressed towards a favourable balance of trade, its trade balance at present is approximately equal as between its imports and exports. Syria cannot, however, but look with deep concern upon the ominous fact that the deficit in the balance of trade of the under-developed countries taken as a whole amounts to about $4,000 million a year. The continuation of this deficit, the continuation of this process, would cause further inequality between nations and further poverty to some. This fact is aggravated by two others no less important. Investment by international means to increase the productive capacity of those countries through self-liquidating productive projects is exceedingly limited, and investment in non-self- liquidating projects by international means is practically non-existent. Certainly the resolutions taken to help remedy the situation are welcome, but some of the most important among them await further action.
41. What the under-developed countries need primarily is investment outlays, much more than they need technical assistance. Armaments are diminishing and practically eliminating possibilities of investment and healthy economy and social growth. This situation is detrimental not only to the under-developed countries but also to the more fortunate and advanced ones. That would certainly not be the case if the more advanced countries were willing to depend upon encouraging productivity, international trade and exchange. The more advanced countries can no longer depend on the exploitation of other countries through investments of a colonial or semi-colonial nature.
42. My country is willing and ready to co-operate in any United Nations effort or other international efforts with a view to remedying present prevailing conditions in these matters. At this session we intend to do our best, in co-operation with other under-developed countries, to ensure a better understanding of these conditions and the taking of effective international measures to deal with them.
43. The countries of the Middle East have had both an old and a recent common history, and they belong by and large to a common culture. Their reactions to international situations which arise are therefore similar, and their solidarity is strong and natural. This solidarity is a factor which we can well mention here.
44. But across the ocean we Arabs find in Latin America other brotherly nations. Nine radiant centuries of common Arabo-Spanish history have not been lived in vain. Creative Spain, a mother to many South-American countries, has been for us all not only a former common land. It has been, rather, a continuous mission of the greatest international importance, a mission whose concepts have not been fossilized in the Alhambra or Alcazar, or other sites of culture, but a living one whose results we can now see, a mission whose concepts continue to vibrate, living in both Latin-American and Arabic countries and cultures. It is therefore no mere coincidence that over a million Arabs have emigrated in the last few decades to South America, to find themselves hospitably received and easily and freely assimilated into the communities in which they live. It is no mere coincidence that on the question of Morocco the attitude of Spain has turned out to be in contrast to the attitude taken by other countries. Spain continues to recognize the representative of the upright and heroic Sultan of Morocco.
45. I am not in the least attempting to put before this Assembly on behalf of Syria any idea of groupings or blocs born out of war — cold or hot. I am, however, trying to convey my country’s readiness for warm friendship and solidarity between peoples, born out of centuries of the creative processes of history and culture and explained by present conditions. That solidarity existed before the United Nations was established. It exists now, waiting to be turned from a latent into an active state in order to become effective in serving the purposes of the Charter.
46. In 1923 all the Arab countries were under some form of domination. It is now 1953, and within the span of thirty years over half of the Arab land has become free, after a struggle for independence which produced tens of thousand of martyrs. So much was done in thirty years. How much will be done in the future? That is the question, and it is written on the Middle Eastern scene. Certainly the question is not there to comfort imperialism, no matter what form that might take. It is there to indicate that the Arab nation, still possessing an area approximately as large as Europe, a people of long historical experience and vigorous culture, is today on the move towards self-realization and freer international co-operation. It is on the move towards a position in which it can again contribute abundantly to human culture, as it did of yore.
47. As the Arab nation emerges again to a state of liberty, hope and creative action, it stretches out to Spain and the Latin-American countries a hand warm with genuine friendship. It feels a strong and abiding solidarity with other peoples of the Middle East. It realizes how vital are peace and international co-operation in achieving the aims of the Charter of the United Nations.