31. First of all, Mr. President, on behalf of the Turkish delegation and also on my own behalf, I should like to offer you my most heartfelt congratulations on your election as President of the United Nations General Assembly. The choice of Your Excellency for that high office bears witness to the esteem and confidence which you enjoy among the delegations, both because of your distinguished personal qualities and because of your thorough knowledge of the complex work of the United Nations.
32. It is significant that an eminent representative of Africa should have been called upon to preside over our debates. In the face of the important and complex problems confronting us, the contribution of the young African States to the work of the United Nations is certainly of great value. I should like to stress on this occasion how happy we are that it is a representative of Ghana who is this year presiding over the deliberations of the General Assembly. Your election is, at the same time, a tribute to your country, whose major role in the progress of the African countries towards independence and unity, and the important part it has played in international affairs and in the United Nations, is recognized by all.
33. This Assembly is meeting at a time when important developments are taking place in many parts of the world. We are glad to see that international tension has not increased. The major nuclear Powers, which bear the primary responsibility for preventing a world catastrophe liable to destroy the human race and its civilization, fortunately continue to show a desire to work for peace and to refrain from threats or provocations in their mutual relations. This atmosphere has developed since the 1962 crisis in the Caribbean area, during which the world barely avoided the disaster of a nuclear war. We hope that this same atmosphere will continue and that it will be possible to strengthen peace, especially through substantial progress in achieving disarmament and in finding appropriate solutions to the serious international problems before us.
34. However, despite this relatively reassuring picture of the relations between the nuclear Powers, peace continues to be threatened in various parts of the world, particularly in Asia, in the Middle East and in the Eastern Mediterranean region, where serious conflicts remain and local wars continue. In the present circumstances, a local conflict always fends to expand; consequently, it is the duty not only of the countries possessing nuclear weapons but of all countries, no matter how small, to see that peace is maintained, to refrain from the use of force and violence, to settle their disputes peacefully and to renounce war as an instrument of national policy - in short, to abide by the principles of the United Nations Charter.
35. A question which seriously concerns mankind at the present time is the danger of the spread of nuclear weapons. The treaty partially banning nuclear tests was received everywhere with relief, in the hope that the atmosphere would no longer be contaminated by nuclear explosions and that the road would henceforth be open to supplementary disarmament measures. But if that treaty is to be effective in preventing the multiplication of nuclear Powers, it must be universally accepted and applied and must also be supplemented by measures prohibiting the spread and acquisition of nuclear weapons. The world is already overstocked with nuclear devices and any new additions would only increase the risks of a catastrophic war and arouse the legitimate anxiety of the whole of mankind. The Assembly must use its moral influence to the maximum to put an end to this fatal race.
36. The year which has elapsed since our last session has witnessed new progress in the emancipation of the colonial peoples. It is a particularly pleasant duty for me to welcome, on behalf of the people and Government of Turkey, the representatives of Malta, Malawi and Zambia, which have just joined the United Nations family, following their recent accession to independence. These new admissions prove once again that the principles enshrined in the Charter are realistic and living concepts, which are constantly applied in international practice and constitute a source of enrichment for our Organization, enabling us to view international problems in an even wider perspective.
37. The evolution towards independence means achievement of the ideals set forth in the Preamble of the Charter, which proclaims the faith of the peoples of the United Nations in fundamental human rights and in the dignity and worth of the human person. This noble but difficult enterprise could never have been successful, were it not for the tireless efforts of the United Nations and the active co-operation of the great majority of Member States. From this point of view, the zeal with which the United Nations has been able to accomplish this historic and arduous task gives us the assurance that the complete elimination of this relic of a vanished epoch will soon become a reality.
38. In this connexion, I should like to pay a tribute to the wisdom shown by the United Nations in helping the colonial peoples not only to win their independence, but also to overcome the economic and social difficulties of the post-emancipation period by means of technical assistance and various programmes prepared by the specialized agencies. It is hardly necessary to state that this assistance represents an extremely valuable contribution, which facilitates the harmonious transition of these countries from colonial status to that of independent nations.
39. The right of peoples to independence is one of the basic principles which the Turkish Republic has tirelessly proclaimed and supported since it was founded. For Turkey is a country which forty years ago waged a hard struggle against imperialism in order to free itself from foreign invasion and occupation and to protect its independence, its territorial integrity and its national dignity. Turkey was one of the first countries to proclaim the principle of self-determination of peoples and to oppose all foreign intervention, whether political or economic, in its national affairs. In the days of the League of Nations, it refused to be a party to the Mandates System, whose aim was to impose the colonial system on peoples fully capable of governing themselves. Because it remembers its own still recent past and its own trials, Turkey welcomes with joy the colonial people's accession to independence and supports all the constructive efforts made by the United Nations in that regard.
40. In the same spirit, we hope that the last obstacles on the road to independence for the countries now under colonial rule will be overcome in the very near future. The independence of all colonial peoples is called for not only by the United Nations Charter, but also by the reality of our times.
41. By virtue of this same principle, we believe that sustained efforts must be made to eliminate all forms of racial discrimination, ensure fundamental human rights and safeguard human dignity.
42. In the course of its deliberations, the General Assembly will also have to take up the question of apartheid. It is regrettable that the efforts made by the United Nations for over fifteen years to obtain the complete elimination of this policy have not been more successful. Such a policy is incompatible with the principles of the Charter and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Turkey, whose Constitution provides for the complete equality of all, regardless of race, colour or religion, is opposed to doctrines of racial superiority and condemns that arbitrary policy. The Turkish delegation hopes that the efforts of the United Nations in this field will soon be crowned with success and that this latest form of bondage will be abolished forever.
43. We are gratified to note that the accession of the colonial peoples to independence is accompanied by a movement of co-operation at the regional level. The Organization of African Unity, established in order to strengthen the unity of the African countries and to promote co-operation among them in all matters, is a concrete example of the possibilities that this new form of association offers to the Member States. Since its establishment in 1963, the Organization has made a major contribution to the solution of the extremely complex problems which now confront these countries. The results obtained thus far give hope that the Organization of African Unity will secure to the countries of the African continent a harmonious, balanced development, overcome the difficulties that arise, and thus contribute to international peace and stability.
44. Faithful to its traditional policy of peace and anxious to contribute as much as it can to the promotion of international co-operation, in conformity with the United Nations Charter, Turkey spares no effort to improve its relations with neighbouring countries. The journey which I made last November to the Soviet Union was in line with this policy. In conversations which I had with the Soviet leaders, we agreed that we must continue to work at strengthening the peace and developing our mutual relations in a spirit of good neighbourliness. Similarly, we were very happy to welcome in Turkey, at the beginning of this month, a delegation of Soviet parliamentarians, whose visit constitutes an important stage in the strengthening of our friendly relations. Similarly, we are pleased with the measures that have been taken on both sides to improve Turkey's relations with Bulgaria and Romania. We are convinced that the establishment of friendly relations between Turkey and the other Balkan countries will help to consolidate peace and promote co-operation in our region.
45. Because of its geographical position, Turkey naturally follows with great interest events in the Near East. A constant feature of Turkish policy is the maintenance of friendly relations with the Arab countries, that is to say with the brother peoples of the Near East and also with the peoples of the great Maghreb, to whom we are linked by historic and cultural ties and with whom we have a common interest in the maintenance of peace and harmony in our area. We welcome the greater concord and solidarity which now exist among the Arab countries. There is no conflict of interest between Turkey and Arab countries and we are sincerely prepared to do everything possible to develop our mutual relations in all fields and to increase our cultural, economic and technical co-operation with them.
46. During this session, the General Assembly will once more be called upon to consider the painful problem of Palestine. This is without doubt one of the most tragic and complex questions with which the United Nations, has ever had to deal. It is not only, as some seem to believe, a simple question of refugees, but a serious political problem which endangers the stability of the Middle East and concerns the fate of more than 1,250,000 refugees. These unfortunate people, far from their land and from their homes, lead a precarious existence in camps and barracks, dependent on international charity and the hospitality of the host countries. The lamentable situation in which these refugees find themselves is an obstacle to the economic, social and cultural development of the Middle East and strains the relations of that region with the rest of the world.
47. The Turks sympathize with the Palestine refugees and are saddened by their tragic plight. The Turkish delegation believes that the tragic situation resulting from the problem of the Palestine refugees cannot continue indefinitely. We believe that this problem constitutes a factor of instability in the Middle East and we are concerned over the dangerous consequences which might result if the situation should deteriorate. The United Nations must seriously consider this weighty problem in order to solve it in accordance with the principles of law and equity.
48. We are endeavouring to expand our relations and our collaboration not only with neighbouring countries but with all countries of the world. I have already emphasized the importance we attach to the new independent African States, and we are striving as far as possible to increase our contacts with all countries, and to seek ways of achieving mutually fruitful cooperation. Thousands of foreign students, especially from neighbouring countries, are at present studying at Turkish universities. We have recently offered a number of university scholarships for special technical courses to African countries; we expect this number to increase appreciably in the coming years.
49. Turkish good-will missions have on several occasions, and again this year, gone to countries of Latin America, Asia and Africa. They have been received most cordially in all these countries, and we consider that their studies and the contacts they made will constitute a firm basis for our efforts to broaden the area of our foreign relations.
50. Our provisional agenda includes a question which has not been discussed by the Assembly since 1958, namely, the Cyprus question. This time, unfortunately, it has taken on a tragic character, involving terrible suffering for thousands of men, women and children who have been massacred or taken as hostages or reduced to intolerable living conditions in fear, famine and privation. The resurgence of this conflict has created a serious crisis in the Mediterranean region.
51. I am sure that many of you remember the discussions which took place in our Assembly on this question between 1954 and 1958. Cyprus was then a British colony, and the Greek Government demanded that the island should be ceded to Greece, invoking the principle of self-determination without taking into account either the historical and geographical facts which constitute close links between Turkey and the island, or the existence in Cyprus of a Turkish community of 120,000 people who refused to be placed under Greek sovereignty. Turkey, on the other hand, considered that a fair application of the right of self- determination required that the wishes of the Turkish Cypriots should be taken isto account, that the long historical association between Turkey and Cyprus and the geographical proximity of the island to the southern shores of Turkey could not be ignored, that the problem could be solved only in the context of relations between Greece and Turkey, and that consequently the best solution would be to divide the island between Turkey and Greece. Faced with these two opposing views, the Assembly recommended in 1958 that a solution should be found to this conflict by means of direct negotiations between the interested parties, and the last resolution [1287 (XIII)] adopted by the General Assembly on this subject in 1958 reads as follows: "The General Assembly, "Having considered the question of Cyprus, "Recalling its resolution 1013 (XI) of 26 February 1957, "Expresses its confidence that continued efforts will be made by the parties to reach a peaceful, democratic and just solution in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations."
52. At the time when that resolution was adopted by the Assembly, the intensification of the campaign of intimidation, carried out against the Turks by Greek terrorists belonging to EOKA, who favoured joining the island to Greece, had brought the hostility between the two communities to the danger point and affected the relations between Greece and Turkey. It was under these conditions that the Turkish and Greek Governments, in pursuance of the Assembly resolution and conscious of their responsibility to the two communities and for the maintenance of peace, had negotiated and concluded in 1959 the Zurich Agreements, which were later ratified in London by the United Kingdom and by representatives of the Greek and Turkish communities in Cyprus.
53. The aim of the Zurich and London Agreements was. to ensure equilibrium and harmony between the two communities and to safeguard the interests of Turkey and Greece. They were based on the recognition of the coexistence of two different peoples in the island, both being offshoots and extensions in the island of two neighbouring States and nations, Turkey and Greece. Cyprus thus became an independent State, endowed with a special constitution, and its relations with Greece and Turkey were defined by the Treaty of Guarantee and the Treaty of Alliance.
54. The Constitution stipulated that Cyprus would be a republic with a Greek Cypriot President and a Turkish Cypriot Vice-President, elected by their respective communities. The two population groups were granted communal autonomy and the Constitution contained a number of provisions aimed at ensuring the Turkish community fair participation in the legislature and government administration. This balance between the communities did no more than give legal sanction to a situation which had existed in Cyprus since the establishment of Turkish sovereignty in the sixteenth century, that is to say, a situation which continued under British rule. In fact, the two communities have always had a separate existence and have always enjoyed a wide measure of autonomy in their communal affairs.
55. By the terms of the Treaty of Guarantee, concluded between Turkey, Greece, the United Kingdom and the Republic of Cyprus, Cyprus undertook to uphold its Constitution, its independence and its territorial integrity. The other three signatories guaranteed the state of affairs established by the basic articles of the Constitution. They also undertook to consult together in case of violation of the Treaty, with a view to taking the necessary measures to ensure respect for its provisions.
56. Dangerous theories were voiced from this rostrum last Friday [1319th meeting], in praise of the ease with which certain States consider discarding international agreements they had entered into voluntarily. In this connexion, reference was made to "so-called" treaties, treaties which it is claimed were imposed on the Greek Cypriots. The reference was, of course, to the Zurich and London Agreements, that is to say the very treaties to which the Republic of Cyprus owes its birth and its existence.
57. All problems relating to this vexed question will shortly be discussed at great length by the different organs of the United Nations. The Greek Cypriots will press their claims. For our part, we shall have much to say on different aspects of the problem and the manner in which the State of Cyprus has applied the Treaties and the Constitution of the island; or rather, the manner in which the State of Cyprus refuses to apply the Treaties and the Constitution of Cyprus, a refusal which is at the root of all the evils from which we are suffering in the island today. We shall also explain in detail the methods resorted to by the Greek Cypriots to rid themselves of these Treaties, which they consider undesirable, and at the same time of the Turkish community, whose only fault is to stand in the way of their illegal designs.
58. I shall confine myself today to replying very briefly to the opinion expressed here the other day regarding the unilateral repudiation of treaties, and my only concern in doing this is not to leave unchallenged an attitude, which, if it were accepted and became general, would undermine those moral principles on which the United Nations was founded.
59. First of all, it is useful to recall that the treaties, whose fate is referred to daily in such a cavalier manner, were signed not only by Turkey, Greece and the United Kingdom but also by the leaders of the Greek and Turkish communities of the island, Archbishop Makarios and Dr. F. Kügük. They were signed following formal declarations by the two leaders that "they accepted these agreements as a basis for the final solution of the problem of Cyprus".
60. Archbishop Makarios was at that time entirely free to accept or reject negotiations based on these agreements. Until then, he had not hesitated to reject outright several other proposals submitted to him. But in the case of the agreements in question, after consulting at length with other Greek Cypriot leaders, he had decided to accept the agreements as the groundwork for the future status of Cyprus. If proof is required, I need only refer to the statement of Mr. Tenekides, professor of international law: "On that occasion. Archbishop Makarios had called together in London some thirty eminent Greek Cypriots. All of them, with the exception of representatives of the left, had after some hesitation accepted the draft treaty as the final settlement of the conflict in Cyprus."
61. A second proof of my assertion lies in the statements of Mr. Averoff, then Greek Minister for Foreign Affairs. Mr. Averoff had said at the end of the London Conference: "We signed these agreements also because that revered man, Archbishop Makarios, who heads the Greek community in Cyprus, and whom we regarded during our deliberations as representing the wishes of the Greeks in Cyprus, told us when we informed him of the matter that he accepted these agreements. I do not say that we signed solely because we had his consent. We signed because we were convinced that we had reached the best solution, relatively speaking. But I must add that we took account of his opinion for the basic reason—which we had stated during our discussion—that we would not impose these decisions on the Greeks of Cyprus, either by force or by any other means."
62. Similarly, the present Prime Minister of Greece, Mr. Papandreou himself, then head of the opposition, had stated in the Greek Parliament on 27 February 1959: "Since these agreements have been accepted by the Greek Cypriots and their leader, the Greek Government cannot possibly oppose them."
63. Thus it was with full knowledge of the facts and in all freedom that all the interested parties, including the leaders of the Greek community, accepted the London Agreements.
64. The Zurich and London Agreements constituted only a general framework defining the fundamental principles of the future status of Cyprus. The Constitution and the final text of the treaties were drawn up by two committees meeting separately in London and Nicosia, with the full participation of the representatives of the Greek and Turkish communities. During these negotiations, which lasted fourteen months, representatives of the Greek community were completely free to present their views in full. At the end of these negotiations, five treaties and instruments were concluded at Nicosia, to which Archbishop Makarios affixed his signature, not, as was claimed here the other day, as the Greek representative of a British colony, but in his capacity as President of the Republic of Cyprus, having been elevated to that high office by the Greek community in accordance with the Constitution.
65. Having acquired its independence, Cyprus requested admission to the United Nations. When the admission of the new State was being discussed, the treaties signed by the interested parties were known to all the Members of our Organization. These treaties were registered with the United Nations Secretariat, in accordance with Article 102 of the Charter. No objection was raised to the registration and President Makarios himself, in putting forward his request, took care to emphasize that Cyprus was asking to be admitted to the United Nations as "an independent and sovereign State".
66. It is therefore clear that the treaties, which, only four years after their signature, the Greek Cypriots are trying to repudiate unilaterally, are instruments which are legally valid and unquestionably in force. As a Member of the United Nations, the State of Cyprus is indubitably under an obligation to respect its commitments, in accordance with the United Nations Charter and the fundamental principles of international law.
67. I hope that the facts I have just set out will suffice to dispose of the claims put forward in an attempt to prove that the treaties in question are invalid.
68. The independence of Cyprus and the treaties thus represented a supreme effort on the part of Turkey, Greece, the United Kingdom and the two communities to reconcile the interests of each one of them. The formula for independence, based on respect for the rights of the two communities, constituted the only solution in accordance with the principles of self- determination, justice and the need to preserve friendship and co-operation between Turkey and Greece, as well as between the two communities. Greece and the Greek community renounced "enosis", that is, union between Cyprus and Greece; similarly, Turkey and the Turkish community renounced partition; and it was on this mutual sacrifice, on this balance, that the whole structure of the new State was erected. Given the fact that there is no Cypriot nation, that the Greeks and Turks living in the island consider themselves allied to the Greek and Turkish nations respectively, and that the two communities have preserved throughout their whole history their separate religions, languages and cultures, and have enjoyed autonomy in their communal affairs, this settlement fitted both the reality of the situation and the historical process.
69. But today we are aware that the Greeks are making a concerted effort to destroy this structure which was so painstakingly erected. In spite of a solemn undertaking to abandon the idea of "enosis", Greece is demanding the annexation of the island in the name of Pan-Hellenism, that symbol of Greek imperialism. In order to make its dream cl Pan-Hellenism come true, Greece has no hesitation in withdrawing from its contractual obligations, in violating the principles of the United Nations Charter, in endangering peace and security in the Mediterranean and in attempting to occupy by force the island of Cyprus to which more than 10,000 officers and men have already been illegally dispatched.
70. The Government of Archbishop Makarios is intent on bringing about "enosis" by wiping out the Turkish community and by inflicting endless suffering on it, by condemning it to poverty, hunger, anguish and fear. The reports submitted to the Security Council by the Secretary-General bear overwhelming witness to -the ordeal suffered by the Turks in Cyprus. These reports, based on inquiries carried out by the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus, confirm that more than 3,000 Turkish-owned houses have been totally or partially destroyed, that the economic life of the Turks has been completely disrupted, that 209 Turks have been taken as hostages and there is no longer any hope of finding them alive, that 25,000 people have become refugees, and that 23,500 others have lost their jobs. The number of Turks dependent on aid provided by the Turkish Red Crescent is 56,000. Two years ago, on 4 September 1962, Archbishop Makarios stated: "Until this little Turkish community of Cyprus, constituting part of the Turkish race, which has always been the fierce enemy of Hellenism, has been completely driven out, the work of the heroes of EOKA can never be considered finished."
71. It is, therefore, in the name of Hellenic imperialism, an anachronism from a past age, coupled with a doctrine of racial discrimination and hatred, that half the Turkish population of Cyprus has been reduced to such a pitiable condition, bereft of all means of subsistence and deprived of their property and goods.
72. Within our Organization, which has under taken the noble responsibility of maintaining world peace, preventing aggression, settling international disputes peacefully and fairly, safeguarding human dignity and winning universal respect for fundamental human rights, there can be no justification for an imperialist policy, for armed aggression, for violating treaties or for recourse to violence and massacre for the purpose of achieving specific political objectives. The conscience of humanity cannot tolerate attempts to destroy an entire community and to trample underfoot the most sacred human rights. I am certain that the Assembly, when it discusses this problem, will once again act with its usual wisdom, inspired by the principles of the Charter and by a deep sense of justice.
73. As you know, the question of Cyprus has been discussed many times in the Security Council and continues to appear on its agenda. The Council decided, on 4 March 1964, to create a United Nations Peacekeeping Force for Cyprus and this force took up its duties on 27 March 1964. The same resolution recommended that the Secretary-General should designate a mediator for the purpose of promoting a peaceful solution acceptable to all parties concerned, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, with a view to ensuring the well-being of the people of Cyprus and preserving international peace and security.
74. Turkey has, from the outset, given its full support, both moral and financial, to the United Nations Peacekeeping Force and we consider the formation of this force, in spite of its limited powers, to be a further demonstration of the capacity of the United Nations to undertake effective action for peace. I should like here to thank all those countries which participated by sending contingents to join the force or which helped to finance the operation. These countries have given proof of their devotion to the cause of peace and of their faith in the United Nations and 1 feel that they are entitled to all our gratitude.
75. I should like, on this occasion, to express also to the Secretary-General, whose outstanding abilities are equal to the crushing responsibilities which devolve on him, all the admiration which his wisdom and the mastery which he has shown in the most difficult circumstances inspire in us.
76. I think I have presented to the Assembly the essential facts of the problem, the dangers which it involves for peace, its political aspect and its purely human aspect.
77. Greece and the Greek Cypriots openly admit that their goal is the annexation of Cyprus by Greece. The policy which they pursue in order to achieve this goal comprises three elements: occupation of the island by Greek armed forces, oppression of the Turkish community, and concealment of these methods in the United Nations behind the transparent mask of self-determination.
78. Greece’s policy of annexation is unacceptable and contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and to the treaties establishing the independence of Cyprus. The methods used, the recourse to violence and force, can certainly never win the approval of the Assembly. The demand for self-determination is quite simply a misuse of a sacred principle. The inhabitants of Cyprus, the Turkish and Greek communities, have exercised their right of self-determination and it was as a result of this that Cyprus obtained its independence. This principle is now being invoked in order to justify "enosis" and the disintegration of an independent State. This would constitute a flagrant violation of the right of self-determination of the Turkish community, which expressed its choice by deciding in favour of independence for Cyprus.
79. Turkey's attitude to the problem of Cyprus is very clear and very simple. Turkey is opposed to Greece's attempt to annex Cyprus and asks Greece to respect the treaties it has signed and the principles of the United Nations Charter. Turkey is morally as well as contractually bound to protect the Turkish community and cannot allow it to be oppressed.
80. The status of Cyprus, as defined by the treaties now in force, can be changed only by peaceful means and negotiation between all the parties concerned, on the basis of the provisions still in force and bearing in mind the legitimate rights and interests of the two communities. The Turkish Government, for its part, is always ready to enter into such negotiations, provided that the attempt to impose solutions by force and violence is abandoned. On the other hand, my Government has repeatedly indicated that it has no designs against the independence or territorial integrity of Cyprus. On the contrary, we have always been in favour of this independence and we are convinced that it can be preserved and even strengthened while ensuring peace and harmony between the two communities.
81. In this whole question of Cyprus, a fundamental principle is at stake; that of respect for contractual obligations which can be changed only through negotiation and with the agreement of all the contracting parties. This principle is the very foundation of international life, the very foundation of international order, and figures prominently in the Charter of the United Nations. If this rule were to be flouted, if States could illegally and with impunity repudiate their obligations, the very basis of international relations, the very basis of international order would be destroyed and total chaos would reign throughout the world. Turkey has never said that treaties can never be changed. What we refuse to admit is that treaties can be repudiated unilaterally and that attempts can be made to replace a legal status by a de facto situation, by the use of force and violence. This point of view has, moreover, been accepted by the Security Council which appointed a mediator precisely to promote a negotiated settlement of the dispute. I am sure that the Assembly, in discussing the question of Cyprus, will take this fact fully into account.
82. Such is the attitude of Turkey as regards the question of Cyprus. We are convinced that this attitude is in conformity with the principles of the United Nations Charter and with humanitarian principles, and that the policy pursued by Turkey is likely to contribute to peace in the area and prevent the spread of the conflict.
83. As in previous years, many matters of the greatest interest will be discussed in this Assembly. As regards the agenda of the nineteenth session, I should like to put forward briefly my delegation’s views on the main problems which now confront us.
84. The Treaty banning nuclear weapons tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water, signed in Moscow on 5 August 1963 by the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, was welcomed by world public opinion as a first positive step toward the easing of tension, and as the beginning of a more promising era in international relations. It was in that spirit also that the Turkish Government welcomed the Moscow Treaty and hastened to become one of the first countries to accede to it. Similarly, the adoption by the General Assembly of resolution 1884 (XVIII), calling upon Member States to refrain from placing in orbit around the earth any objects carrying weapons of mass destruction, was another encouraging step in the same direction.
85. In reviewing the events which have occurred since the last session, we are led to conclude that the atmosphere of ”détente" created by the signing of the Moscow Treaty has not produced appreciable practical results, at least not to the extent that we might have hoped. Despite the favourable international climate prevailing during this period, no perceptible progress has been made towards the solution of fundamental problems concerning peace. The negotiations which have been under way for many months at Geneva have not led to any specific measures in the matter of disarmament and general security.
86. Viewed in that perspective, the question of disarmament remains the fundamental problem, to which we must give priority. However, in the absence of an agreement on general and complete disarmament, exchanges of views on collateral measures, although limited in scope, may constitute a very fruitful field of action. We are following with close interest the work of the Disarmament Committee at Geneva on collateral measures; in the course of those negotiations, constructive and courageous proposals have been advanced. We hope that the negotiations, which are due to resume soon, will make possible a meeting of minds in order to obtain agreement on at least part of the programme.
87. Alongside of the problem of dis armament, certain aspects of which I have just outlined, there are a number of other problems relating to general security which after many years are still awaiting solution.
88. It is most regrettable that, twenty years after the war, the German people should still not be in a position to attain the national unity which they desire. Similarly, the division of the city of Berlin is a source of constant concern to world public opinion. The establishment of a freely unified Germany, in accordance with the inalienable rights of the German people and with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, is the most sincere desire of the people and Government of Turkey. We hope that encouraging progress in that direction will be possible in the near future.
89. Another serious problem which has persisted for years is the question of Kashmir. We ardently hope for a just, equitable and lasting solution to this dispute, one that will take fully into account the United Nations resolutions on the subject.
90. The United Nations has not yet succeeded in establishing adequate machinery to ensure peace with justice, in conformity with the Charter. However, as regards peace-keeping operations the United Nations has certainly rendered valuable service by organizing United Nations forces or observer missions which have contributed to the maintenance of peace in several areas. We believe that this function of the United Nations continues to be of paramount importance, particularly in a period when local disputes unfortunately have a tendency to proliferate. The peace-keeping function of the United Nations must be further organized on the basis of a realistic system until such time as a permanent United Nations force is established in pursuance of Article 43 of the Charter. In this connexion, we have followed with interest the initiative taken by Canada and the Scandinavian countries at the recent Meeting of Military Experts to Consider the Technical Aspects of United Nations Peace-keeping Operations, held at Ottawa, at which administrative, technical and financial questions were studied.
91. The problem of economic development, which is becoming more and more urgent because of the world economic and demographic situation, is closely related to the problem of peace and security. Harmonious international relations and an atmosphere of trust and co-operation cannot be established as long as the gap between the developed countries and the developing countries continues to widen, as long as human aspirations for economic progress and social justice are not fulfilled, and as long as two thirds of mankind are condemned to live at subsistence level. It is becoming increasingly more obvious that the flow of capital to developing countries is far from having reached an adequate level, that the various forms of economic and financial assistance have not been adapted to the real needs of those countries and that international trade, in present circumstances, is not contributing to economic development. In all these fields, which call for extensive international co-operation, the United Nations must organize and promote concerted action by all Member States.
92. A stage of primordial importance was reached this year following the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development at Geneva. This Conference perseveringly sought means of action to improve the living levels of all peoples and to facilitate their economic and social development in order to ensure a better life in peace and freedom for mankind. Above all, the Conference tried to define the means needed to make international trade serve the economic development of the developing countries. The results achieved will surely contribute to international efforts designed to eliminate the economic disparity between the rich and the developing countries.
93. The Conference adopted a series of recommendations concerning the principles which should govern international trade, the increase of exports of primary commodities, manufactures and semi-manufactures, receipts from invisible trade and the financing of economic development. It also requested the General Assembly to establish a special organ which would ensure the implementation of these recommendations.
94. The General Assembly, at its nineteenth session, has therefore performed an extremely important task in deciding to establish formally this new organ and to ensure its functioning [see resolution 1995 (XIX)].
95. Another important aspect of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was the experience acquired there, which is not limited to economic and trade problems alone. Indeed, the Conference, while opening new horizons for economic co-operation, proved once more that conciliation between opposing parties could be extremely fruitful and lead to specific decisions regarding the operation of international organs.
96. In this connexion, I should like to follow the example of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Pakistan, Mr. Bhutto, and inform the Assembly of a recent initiative inspired by the same concern, aimed at ensuring the accelerated economic development of the countries of the Middle East. Following a meeting in July of the Heads of State of Turkey, Iraq and Pakistan at Istanbul, a plan of common action known as "Regional Co-operation for Development" was adopted, which takes into consideration the opportunities offered by the closest possible economic, social and cultural co-operation. Our countries have thus agreed to unite their efforts at the regional level in order to develop their common resources. A regional planning committee has been instructed to examine our respective development plans with a view to making recommendations for the preparation of joint projects and the co-ordination of production.
97. The extremely rapid progress which has been made since the establishment of that committee in the matter of co-operation among the three countries — which is, moreover, open to all countries in the area wishing to accede to it — is the best guarantee of its future success. We are convinced that this initiative will prove of benefit to all our countries.
98. In conclusion, I should like to emphasize that, faithful to the line of action it has followed hitherto, the Turkish delegation will not spare its efforts to participate actively and constructively in the Assembly's deliberations.
99. I am deeply convinced that under your guidance, Mr. President, the nineteenth session of the General Assembly will enable us to advance towards a system of peace and security, which we all desire, and to usher in an era of true international co-operation.