33. Allow me to start by offering you, Madam President, on behalf of my Government and delegation, my sincere congratulations on your election to this high post. I am confident that the General Assembly will profit by your wise and patient leadership, which will undoubtedly reflect credit on your country, for which Indonesia has great esteem and with which it is so happily linked by friendly ties. We rejoice with the Indian nation on your election to the Presidency and, as Asians, we rejoice in the election of the first Asian woman to this high post.
34. As we, the sixty Member States of the United Nations, meet in this august hall to begin the work of the eighth session of the General Assembly, we are faced once again with a wide range of important and complex problems. In view of past precedent, these problems will undoubtedly be discussed and debated in all their details and complexities, in the light of the existing world situation. It is always this background — that is, the prevailing atmosphere or climate of international relations — which determines or at least influences the decisions on problems with which we are dealing. It seems to my delegation of immeasurable importance, therefore, to take due consideration of the pressure which the world political climate exerts on the solution of problems in general, and those entrusted to the care of the United Nations in particular. This implies a consistent readiness to encourage every trend towards any favourable atmosphere which could contribute towards alleviating our collective task of settling peacefully the recurrent sources of international friction, for no recommendations or decisions we may adopt here can serve as satisfactory and durable solutions so long as unsatisfactory political, economic and social conditions exist in the world.
35. The ideological conflict between the great and powerful nations is a heavy liability in this respect. In recent years, it has cast an ominous shadow over the proceedings of this General Assembly. It has, I am afraid, often forced the Assembly to take decisions which were based solely on the conception of a cold war. I think it must be self-evident that such decisions are net only unhealthy, but can contribute little to peace, better understanding and co-operation among nations.
36. Real as the cold war conditions may be, we must not forget that these are abnormal conditions. There lies the danger that for those who are most directly concerned, and whose thinking, perhaps inevitably, is guided predominantly by this abnormal situation, such a situation has become normal, with all the consequences thereof in their attitude towards the manifold problems before us. And those who constantly try to remember that these are abnormal times and who endeavour to detach themselves from the cold war preoccupation or fever without taking sides, run the real risk of being misunderstood, if not indeed, thought to be abnormal.
37. These nations, however, of which Indonesia is one, because of their natural position and propensity are willing to run that risk in trying to remain outside the cold war. Complete detachment or splendid isolation in the modern world is, of course, as impossible as it is undesirable. We are, indeed, in the privileged position of being able to play actively a humble but independent part in seeking the middle road for mutual conciliation and understanding which, 1 believe, is still badly needed in the efforts of the United Nations to solve the cold war problems which have imposed such a heavy burden on the shoulders of all nations, great and small, whether or not embroiled in this world sickness.
38. The present Government of Indonesia reiterated, in its declaration to the Indonesian Parliament, that the independent and active foreign policy of its predecessors at achieving world peace would be continued. It should be borne in mind that Indonesia’s independent policy is not a policy of passive neutrality or neutral passivity. Viewed from the point of its objective as outlined just now, it is only logical that Indonesia cannot but pursue an active independent policy in world affairs. It is an activity not imposed by one of the two opposing parties, but an activity wholly independent of either of them and aimed at seeking a solution acceptable to both parties. In this way, conflicts with all their unwanted consequences may be avoided and the clear atmosphere created which is so badly needed for realizing our common ideals, as laid down in the United Nations Charter.
39. The role of these nations which pursue an independent policy — these so-called “neutral” nations — is known to this General Assembly. On many occasions these nations have contributed, individually and collectively, towards mediating or finding solutions when the gulf between the great Powers seemed at its widest.
40. An obvious example is Korea. The very basis of the agreement ending the fighting in Korea rests largely on the availability of “neutral” nations, acceptable to both sides, to perform valuable and important services. In fact, it was a great “neutral” nation of Asia, supported by the overwhelming majority of this General Assembly, which, through sincere effort, made perhaps the decisive contribution in eliminating the last remaining obstacle to the conclusion of an armistice agreement in Korea which may lead to the unification, independence, peace and prosperity of its people.
41. The role which “neutral” nations can play in the interests of peace should, therefore, not be underestimated. We feel, indeed, that this General Assembly benefits greatly from the existence of “neutral” powers in its midst. We are confident that our services in the cause of peace will be needed, not only by the world in general but by the great Powers themselves. It is on the basis of tins conviction that Indonesia, being in this privileged though often difficult position, will continue its policy for peace, for goodwill and understanding among all nations, and among the great Powers in particular. We are convinced that only by taking up this stand will we be able to contribute something constructive towards the elimination of the present abnormal situation, with its detrimental effect on peaceful progress and on the development of friendlier and healthier relations among all the nations of the world.
42. As regards the solution of the Korean problem, as it is known to this General Assembly, Indonesia is in favour of a round-table type of conference, where not only the belligerents will participate, but also non-belligerents closely interested in a Far Eastern settlement who could contribute towards its peaceful consummation, for this question should not only be considered from two opposing viewpoints, but from all possible angles, if a just and durable solution acceptable to all parties concerned is to be achieved.
43. Towards that end, consistent with the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, my country will seek to co-operate with all Member States.
44. If we take a moment to ponder over the present post-Korean armistice period in which this General Assembly meets, we should note with a sense of satisfaction that there exists a rather different and more favourable atmosphere than was discernible when the General Assembly met one year ago. Indeed, since about the beginning of this year, there seem to have been indications that the cold war tensions are abating in a manner that raises once more the hope that the peoples of the world may soon enter a new era of better and more normal relations among all nations in this, so divided a world. That this hope has not been frustrated in this Organization is to be ascribed, I think, to the sincere efforts of the Member Nations in this Assembly. Some encouragement in the right direction was made in the course of our deliberations during the second part of the last session of the General Assembly, in April of this year. The Armistice Agreement in Korea on 27 July of this year was a worthy crowning of these collective and sincere efforts for peace.
45. Indonesia shared in the world rejoicing on that happy occasion. We rejoiced not only because the Armistice Agreement brought an end to the terrible bloodshed in Korea and, to the people of Korea, opened the door to peaceful reconstruction, but also because we saw the spirit of peace and mutual conciliation emerge victorious over the destructive spirit of war — hot or cold. That was indeed of great significance.
46. Although the debate during the third part of the seventh session concerning the composition of the political conference as called for under the terms of the Armistice Agreement, was not wholly satisfactory to all those concerned, we cannot fail to observe that the hope of all for future understanding has not been abandoned in our continued efforts for peace in that part of the world. It only demands continued perseverance and patience in attaining our common goal, no matter how unsatisfactory or even disappointing temporary situations may seem. We should not fail to take advantage of every opportunity to sustain and enhance the favourable turning point in recent world events, which saw its significant expression in the Korean Armistice Agreement. In our combined efforts, which exclude no one who can sincerely contribute to peaceful settlements, and with a realistic and enlightened appraisal of the moving forces toward universal peace, we should be able to continue our work, seeking the co-operation of all sides. Sustained by the new rising spirit for peace in the world, this General Assembly meets in a year of decision, a year of decision for the many problems of war or peace in many parts of the globe, in the West as well as in the East.
47. Apart from Korea, there is another problem which though ever-more frequently merged in the ideological conflict, has a grave urgency of its own. That is the dangerous spectre of conflict raised by the continued domination of one people by another. Indonesia stands firm in defending the rights of all peoples still dependent and oppressed. Wherever and whenever peoples and groups, deprived of their inalienable rights, are fighting for justice, we will never hesitate to support their cause.
48. In the speech commemorating the eighth anniversary of Indonesia’s independence, the President of Indonesia emphasized the following: “The source which causes conflicts among nations and therefore should be abolished as soon as possible is colonialism, the domination of another nation’s territory. As long as this source is not yet wiped out from the earth’s surface, as long as one people’s nation is under another nation’s bondage, no peace will be possible and any achieved solution will not be durable. For colonial relation is, subjectively, a relation which causes pain in the hearts of the colonized and, objectively, a relation which is full of conflict and antithesis.”
49. I venture to say that these words reflect a sentiment abounding throughout the Asian and African continents. Indonesia, which in common with other Asian and African countries feels the increasing common responsibility and burden in the common work of peace in the world, has brought the case of Tunisia and Morocco to the attention of the General Assembly for the second time in succession. For our part, we do so in the belief that the fulfilment of the aspirations of these peoples will not only enable them to achieve their ideals, but will also ease world tension and prevent the untold sufferings of a conflict which, if the present situation is allowed to continue, must inevitably ensue.
50. It is therefore regrettable that we are forced to note the lack of improvement in Tunisia and Morocco since this Organization last considered their case. In fact, it can only be said that there has been a steady worsening and deterioration of conditions. What we are facing now is the threat of open conflict in North Africa, with serious repercussions throughout Asia and Africa. But confronted with this immediate danger to the maintenance of international peace and security, my delegation is confident that this Organization will not fail to act decisively with deeds as well as words. On the other hand, we have not yet given up all hope that France, the spiritual mother of freedom, justice and equality, will heed the irresistible tide of history and meet fully the national aspirations of the peoples of Tunisia and Morocco.
51. What I have just said with regard to the domination of a people by another nation is equally applicable to the policy of apartheid pursued in the Union of South Africa. It seems to my delegation that where conditions exist in flagrant violation of the basic principles of the United Nations, “to reaffirm faith in fundamental rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small”, the United Nations cannot afford to sit still. It must act to transform into deeds what has been laid down in words. In this respect we are not proposing that the United Nations exercise pressure which might create armed conflicts. But we are of the opinion that this Organization should act in the spirit of the Charter in seeking a solution and not allow its very basic principles to be violated for reasons of political expediency.
52. It seems to us to be the duty of every Member State to strive for the growth of the United Nations as visualized in the ideals of its creators and as laid down in the Charter. When in the course of its existence, inconsistencies appear which serve as loopholes to escape obligations or as shields to cover abuses, amendments should be made to prevent the spirit of the Charter from being violated through following its letter.
53. However, we feel that due caution should be exercised in this matter. Any amendment or revision of the Charter should not serve as a convenient instrument of the ideological conflict, but should fulfil the far-reaching ideal of making this Organization a more effective and smooth-working instrument for peace and security between nations great and small.
54. Finally, I should like to say a few words on the problems in the economic sphere, which are of particular interest to the still under-developed countries. These are problems which in themselves are neither novel nor a product of the post world-war era. But they do assume a new context in the light of world tensions, from which they are unfortunately too often found inseparable. Moreover, apart from humanitarian considerations, an element of urgency has been injected into the need for the under-developed areas to raise their living standards. For these countries are now going through an economic, as well as a political and social, awakening. No longer are the peoples of the underdeveloped countries satisfied to exist on a bare subsistence level. They demand a snare in the things of the world and the growing abundance wrought by technical progress. This means the opportunity to make a livelihood compatible with the dignity of the human person, to eliminate the heavy toll of human suffering visited by disease and famine, and to reap the fruits of adequate education and a knowledge of technical skills for the benefit of succeeding generations. It should be borne in mind that these demands are by no means mere idle dreams. They represent real problems whose satisfactory solution weighs heavily on the governments of the under-developed countries, and they should be of common concern to all nations.
55. We are aware, and not without gratitude, of the great positive results already achieved by the specialized agencies of the United Nations in the sphere of economy, education, health, labour, child welfare and food and agriculture. The co-operation between the Indonesian authorities and the members of the United Nations agencies has always been excellent. My Government will always welcome United Nations experts who are assisting Indonesia in its reconstruction programme or who are gathering data for the benefit of the world in general and other Members of the United Nations in particular. But the fact remains that real progress cannot be made unless a more imaginative programme of economic development is introduced as early as possible.
56. It is therefore encouraging to know that the General Assembly will again devote attention at its present session to the question of methods of financing the economic development of under-developed countries with a view to the earliest possible establishment of the institutions designed to provide the under-developed countries with sources from which they can augment their own domestic savings.
57. However, the question of domestic savings also presents another aspect, one which has fortunately not escaped the attention of the United Nations. In addition to being on a very low level, the income of the under-developed countries — which is mainly derived from foreign trade — is highly unstable and subject to the fluctuations of the world market prices. It should be one of our primary tasks to give stability to the income of the under-developed countries so that they may look forward to a steady and continuous source of income. The availability of foreign capital, which is envisaged through the financing institutions which this Assembly will shortly scrutinize anew, should by no means detract from the importance of the role of domestic savings. It is precisely with a view to making possible a more effective mobilization of domestic capital that my Government has steadfastly advocated, first, effective control over the fluctuations of world market prices, and second, a greater liberalization of international trade.
58. Here are genuine issues on which the highly developed countries can make substantial contributions and in which developed as well as under-developed countries can enjoy the benefits of steady production, steady consumption, full employment and a stable income. Combined with the diversion of armament expenditures toward more commendable purposes, we will then be able to enter a new era of the greatest opportunities, in which both the highly developed and under-developed countries can co-operate fully, for mutual benefit, to combat the sufferings of mankind.
59. In concluding, I should like to stress once again that difficult and complex problems still lie ahead. I have mentioned only a few, but there are other equally important issues on the agenda of the eighth regular session which demand our sincere and patient consideration. But the background against which all these issues should be considered is one which, in the opinion of my Government, contains possibilities for closer cooperation among nations in a better atmosphere, inside and outside this Organization.
60. In fact, important events — conferences on European as well as Asian problems — which will determine the course of world politics and the chances for a lasting peace may take place this year outside this Assembly
61. Looking toward the future, I can only make the humble appeal that those conferences will be animated by a spirit which we have here collectively tried to encourage in our efforts to build a world of co-operation, conciliation, justice and peace. Let us keep alive the hope of all mankind that this world Organization will not only be faithful to the principles and purposes of its Charter, but that its Member States will never lack the necessary sincerity and determination, the courage and vision, to translate them into reality, no matter how painful or trying the road may seem.