31. Allow me, at the outset of my remarks, to congratulate you, Mr. President, on behalf of the Ethiopian delegation, upon your unanimous election to the high office of the presidency of this General Assembly.
32. Much has already been said by the speakers who have preceded me regarding those noteworthy qualities which make you so eminently suited to the task of giving guidance to the deliberations of this august body of 115 nations. My delegation and I fully share their confidence in your gifts of intellect, skill and wisdom which, God willing, will help steer this Organization through these hazardous times and set it upon a course of action that will prove beneficent to all mankind.
33. A further felicitous duty I should like to discharge now is that of extending the warm congratulations of my Government to the representatives of Malawi, Zambia and Malta upon their respective countries' joining this ever-growing family of free nations. The occasion of welcoming new Members to our Organization is an extremely pleasant one, the more so as each addition of new Members increases by that much more the prestige and effectiveness of this Organization.
34. My Government rejoices that the struggles and sacrifices of dedicated nationalist leaders such as Prime Minister Mr. Banda of Malawi, Mr. Kenneth Kaunda, President of Zambia, and the Prime Minister of Malta, Mr. Giorgio Borg Olivier, have been rewarded with victory, and it is our fervent wish that Southern Rhodesia will shortly accede to independence under an African Government and join our distinguished circle.
35. I have remarked that the increase in membership of this Organization augurs well for its prestige and effectiveness. Of this we are all aware, for the United Nations is by definition a comprehensive, international Organization whose effectiveness, therefore, depends upon the universality of its representation. The United Nations must be a real family of nations, and it should not exclude States on grounds of ideology. Yet China, with nearly one-fifth of the world's population, is still debarred from our counsels. Discussions of world disarmament, the effectiveness of the authority of the International Court of Justice and the United Nations itself would, in the long run, have to be greatly affected by the presence or absence of China.
36. Over the last several years, Ethiopia has urged the admission of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations. The time has come, we believe, when those who are either opposed to or hesitant about the admission of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations will have to re-examine their position. The presence of the People's Republic of China in these halls is, we believe, no longer merely desirable, but an imperative necessity if we are to continue to work for international peace and security.
37. Despite the critical situations which in the past year have developed over such far-flung areas as South-East Asia, Africa and the Middle East, despite the momentous and perhaps even disheartening developments in recent months, we are again gathered today in the calm and deliberative spirit of past years. The various crises which have arisen since the last session of the Assembly may not as yet have been resolved, but the timely containment of these situations through the instrumentality of the United Nations and the dedicated efforts of its Secretary-General are surely cause for gratification.
38. Whatever the causes or the magnitude of any international dispute, my Government takes the view that such disputes should be settled by the appropriate peaceful means provided for under the Charter of the United Nations. We believe that the procedures provided in the Charter for the peaceful settlement of disputes are not only the most feasible, but the wisest and sanest open to us in resolving such differences. We believe that the use of force in these matters can lead only to self-annihilation. We therefore take the view that the parties directly concerned in the disputes should themselves initiate the preliminary conversations necessary to reach mutually acceptable solutions to their problems.
39. But even while our world is beset by forces that tend to make life so uncertain and insecure, there are counteracting forces at work. Among these are, we believe, the two conferences that convened recently in Africa: the first session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the Second Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Countries, held in July and October respectively in Cairo. Both these conferences have done splendid work in advancing the cause of the United Nations by promoting international peace and co-operation and understanding among nations.
40. Thus, under the aegis of the Organization of African Unity, armed conflicts between neighbouring African States have, on more than a single occasion, been halted. Equally impressive is the organization's achievement in promoting economic, social and cultural co-operation among African States. The entry into force of the agreement establishing the African Development Bank has, we believe, ushered in a progressive era of co-operation within the African family of nations.
41. In one of the most sensitive areas of international relations, the Organization of African Unity has taken a momentous decision. I refer to boundary disputes. Recognizing the dangers inherent in any attempt to re-draw existing frontiers in Africa, the highest organ of that organization solemnly declared that all member States pledged respect for the borders existing upon their achievement of national independence. It is gratifying to note that this declaration has found expression in the "Programme for Peace and International Co-operation" adopted by the second. Conference of Non-Aligned Countries. The inviolability of established frontiers has been proclaimed as one of the fundamental principles of peaceful co-existence.
42. Thus, these Cairo conferences cannot bat leave a deep impress upon the course of international events and relations, stressing as they have the need for closer co-operation among nations with corresponding objectives and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of every nation.
43. One other significant contribution of the Cairo conferences to the advancement of international peace and security must be mentioned here: through their efforts to establish a spirit of moderation in relations among States, they have helped to ease world tensions and to clear up an atmosphere already overcharged with animosities and rivalries.
44. One of the most pressing political problems that has confronted the United Nations during the last four years is, undoubtedly, the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The efforts of the United Nations to restore law and order to maintain the territorial integrity of the young Republic were persistently resisted and even challenged to a dangerous degree. Despite this, our collective effort bore fruit to some extent, as witness the completion of the United Nations peace-keeping mission with the phased withdrawal of the United Nations forces as of 30 June 1964.
45. Thus, the loss of the lives of the greatly admired and lamented Dag Hammarskjold and his colleagues, of Patrice Lumumba, and of the hundreds of Congolese nationalists and members of the United Nations operation in the Congo, among whom were my own countrymen, was not in vain.
46. Nevertheless, unfortunate developments have since taken place within the Democratic Republic of the Congo to cause serious concern to a number of Members of the United Nations, particularly those which are also members of the Organization of African Unity. Although the situation in the Congo, including the maintenance of law and order, was strictly a domestic matter for the Congolese Government to deal with, it appeared that, regrettably, external interference had been brought into play once more. Thus it was that, in conformity with the provisions of the charter of the Organization of African Unity, and at the express request of the Congolese Government, an extraordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity was called to consider the situation and to adopt appropriate measures for its solution.
47. The ad hoc commission established at this emergency session spared no effort, under the astute guidance of one of Africa's valiant sons, Prime Minister Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, to conciliate the various factions in the Congo in an effort to restore order and to safeguard peace in that area. The attempt to find a solution to the Congo problem within a purely African context is, for obvious reasons, the only effective approach to a problem which, after all, concerns an African nation and its fellow-Africans. We trusted that there would be no further interference from external parties, which could only prove detrimental to peace in the Congo.
48. Regrettably, however, certain forces operating from without have led to the recent events in the Congo tragedy. The task of the commission has thus been systematically frustrated by the same forces which have been vitiating the Congo situation. Nonetheless, the ad hoc commission, in its task of finding a solution to the perplexing problem of the Congo, recommended at its meeting in Nairobi the convening of an emergency meeting of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity. My Government fully supports the convening of an extraordinary meeting of the Organization of African Unity, and stands ready to explore all the avenues whereby enduring peace and order can be re-established in the strife-torn land of the Congo.
49. The overwhelming majority of the membership of this Organization has condemned colonialism as a flagrant violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples; the extirpation of colonialism in all its forms and guises from all parts of the globe has been a principal objective of the United Nations. But there are still a few among our membership who would breathe life into this outmoded and discredited system and give it support and sustenance wherever possible.
50. I wish to mention at this point that the States members of the Organization of African Unity have on more one occasion taken a firm joint stand to ensure that the Charter of the United Nations and the resolutions of its principal organs are fully respected and implemented. That position was supported by the non-aligned nations which convened in Cairo in October. It is the hope of my Government that the other Members of this Organization will take similar measures to ensure the implementation of United Nations decisions.
51. Despite repeated appeals, despite the resolutions of both the Security Council and the General Assembly, some of the Powers have, regrettably, not adopted the necessary measures to curtail the supply of the means which make possible a continued policy of repression. It is imperative that the major Powers fully co-operate in this matter, since States maintaining cruel and repressive policies obviously could not continue to do so once their supply of arms had been cut off.
52. There are other facets to this problem. The application of economic and political pressures could be equally persuasive. I believe that the recent developments in Southern Rhodesia are a case in point.
53. The situation in Southern Rhodesia had been continuing to deteriorate at an alarming rate. The arbitrary arrest of nationalist leaders such as Mr. Joshua Nkomo and the Reverend Sithole, coupled with the threat of a unilateral declaration of independence by the minority settler government, had aggravated the situation to the point of explosion. The reaction of the United Kingdom Government to such a threat, though overdue, was forthright, clear and unequivocal — no less than a warning of unpleasant economic and political consequences should the minority government carry out its plans for unilateral independence. Through its representative in the Committee of Twenty-Four, Ethiopia made it clear that it welcomed and fully supported the position of the United Kingdom Government.
54. My Government has consistently maintained that it recognizes no competent authority other than the United Kingdom in the territory of Southern Rhodesia. It is unfortunate that the situation in Southern Rhodesia should have been permitted to remain unresolved for so long. However, now that the Government of the United Kingdom has taken a decisive stand on the matter, reversing previous disavowals of responsibility for the situation in that territory, we should like to see a speedy conclusion to the whole business — that is, no less than the emergence of an African government in Southern Rhodesia.
55. As regards the territories of Swaziland, Basutoland and Bechuanaland, the first session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of Africa and the Second Conference of Non-Aligned Nations, realizing the critical position of those territories, recommended certain practical measures, including a United Nations guarantee of the territorial integrity of the three territories and the taking of steps by the United Nations to ensure their speedy accession to independence and the subsequent safeguarding of their sovereignty. On behalf of my Government I would now urge the endorsement of those recommendations by the General Assembly, thereby ensuring both the peaceful accession to independence of these territories and the security of their sovereignty, once won, from dangers emanating from a powerful neighbour — by which, of course, I mean the Republic of South Africa.
56. Concerning the question of South West Africa, I should like to touch on two aspects worth considering here. On the one hand, the International Court of Justice — having settled in December 1962 the preliminary question of jurisdiction — is now awaiting the filing of South Africa's rejoinder, due on 23 December 1964. Since, therefore, the matter is sub judice. parties to the case would naturally hesitate to make remarks that might be deemed prejudicial to it. We find, on the other hand, that the Government of South Africa, a party to the dispute before the Court, has attempted to implement the recommendations of the so-called Odendaal commission, in clear disregard of juridical procedure. Indeed, the timing of the publication of the Odendaal report Itself was plainly designed to impede the normal course of justice.
57. The United Nations has already taken a firm hand in the matter, and so have the States and Governments which participated in the recent conferences held in Cairo. Yet, should the authorities of South Africa be tempted to ignore those warnings, I should like to appeal to this Assembly to reaffirm its position, in order to make the intention of our Organization with regard to South West Africa unmistakably clear.
58. There is yet another case involving the appalling death-grip of colonialism on the continent of Africa: that of Portugal in regard to Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea. Disregarding the irresistible advance of colonial peoples towards independence, the Portuguese Government continues to cling to its quaint, anachronistic and entirely obsolescent fiction that the territories under its administration are not colonies, but actually an extension of metropolitan Portugal. Those claims are so untenable as to require no further comment here. It appears that the Portuguese Government has, quite pathetically, failed to learn from the lessons of recent history and has wilfully shut itself up in a shell of its own making, removed from contemporary events. I need hardly add that Portugal's argument is one that has been used and eventually discarded by other metropolitan Powers.
59. Despite United Nations appeals and the joint stand of independent African States, the Portuguese Government remains obdurate. The unequal fight continues between, on the one hand, the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea and, on the other, a metropolitan Power armed to the teeth with the help of its friends and allies.
60. To those countries which have been extending help to Portugal we appeal, in all earnestness, to desist from contributing further to the sufferings of their fellow human beings in Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea. Surely those countries, no less than Portugal, must realize that the tide of history is inexorably against them and that these territories will inevitably gain their freedom, they must realize how much it would be to their credit if they willingly assisted in hastening that freedom rather than impede it at every turn. And how greatly it would be to the credit of Portugal if it generously proffered independence now, rather than being compelled later on by circumstances to grant it. Lacking that generous and voluntary gesture, this Assembly must be prepared to use all measures within its power to resolve the Portuguese problem with firmness and vigour and to restore order in that unhappy area.
61. Last, but not least, there is also the question of the French colony surrounding the Port of Djibouti off the coast of the Gulf of Aden. Cognizant of the usefulness of normal procedure, my delegation would prefer to reserve making a full statement of its position on this important and vital question for the appropriate United Nations forum — namely, the Committee of Twenty-Four.
62. I would not wish to conclude this portion of my remarks to the Assembly without expressing my delegation's appreciation of the splendid work of the Committee of Twenty-Four. My country, as a member of that committee, has actively participated in all its efforts for the elimination of colonialism. The task has never been smooth or easy, but in the course of the last year alone the committee has been able to examine the situation in a remarkable number of Non-Self-Governing Territories and to scrutinize hundreds of petitions. The committee has covered a very wide area in the course of its meetings and has done commendable work, in many instances in difficult circumstances. The chairman of the committee, Mr. Coulibaly of Mali, indeed deserves our warmest congratulations on the very able handling of the extremely important task discharged by that committee over the past two years.
63. One of the most vexatious problems in Africa today is the policy of apartheid practised by the Republic of South Africa. South Africa continues ’its repressive policy in the face of world-wide condemnation, and the critical situation in that area has been the subject of considerable and careful review, both within and outside the United Nations.
64. Within the United Nations, the Special Committee on the Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa continues to expose the excesses and brutalities of this barbarous policy, and the group of experts appointed by the Secretary-General pursuant to the relevant Security Council resolution completed its report in the middle of this year. Furthermore, two resolutions were adopted by the Security Council in the wake of the Rivonia trials, at its 1128th and 1135th meetings, held on 9 and 18 June 1964 respectively. The operative paragraphs of those resolutions, as we all know, urgently call upon the Government of South Africa to adopt measures to alleviate the deplorable conditions in that country, and appeal once more to all States to "cease forthwith" the sale of arms and other military equipment to South Africa.
65. Even more stringent measures were recommended for the eradication of apartheid by the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity and the Assembly of African Heads of State and Government, as well as by the second Conference of Non- Aligned Countries.
66. Yet, oblivious to its obligations under the Charter, the numerous decisions of the United Nations urging it to abolish apartheid, and the condemnation of most of the rest of the world, the South African Government cold-bloodedly pursues its policy which, in truth, is tantamount to racial extermination.
67. The question now is how much longer this Organization can postpone taking a decisive stand on the problem and adopting measures in the form of total economic blockade. The question is, too, whether Member States which have continuously supplied arms and ammunition to South Africa will now, as urged by the Security Council, "cease forthwith" giving aid and support to a morally bankrupt regime, or whether, even at this late stage, they are determined to continue to encourage acts of racism through traffic in arms, obdurately deaf to both conscience and world opinion.
68. We welcome the news that the United Kingdom Government, the traditional arms supplier to South Africa, has considered terminating further shipment of arms to that racist Government. We urge the immediate implementation of such a decision, and call upon all those still hesitant to take similar action without delay.
69. These, then, are grave questions for the consideration of this body. The obduracy of Portugal and South Africa, despite United Nations efforts to curb their excesses, continues to stiffen. The intransigence of these two Governments, in the face of world censure, has become even more unyielding. My Government earnestly hopes that the United Nations, true to its declared objectives, will continue to appeal to the conscience of nations in a position to exert influence in the abolition of colonialism and the policy of apartheid, a policy disgraceful in the sight both of man and of God. These are matters that lie on the conscience of all of us, not alone on that of the oppressor. These are matters that concern all of us as members of the human race.
70. One of the paramount problems deserving our closest attention is that of general and complete disarmament. The imperative necessity for disarmament was perhaps best expressed in the following words addressed by His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, my august sovereign, to the General Assembly, in October 1963: "Disarmament has become the urgent imperative of our time. I do not say this because I equate the absence of arms to peace, or because I believe that bringing an end to the nuclear arms race automatically guarantees the peace, or because the elimination of nuclear war heads from the arsenals of the world will bring in its wake that change in attitude requisite to the peaceful settlement of disputes between nations. Disarmament is vital today, quite simply, because of the immense destructive capacity which men now possess." [1229th meeting, para. 15.]
71. Although great efforts have been made at the Geneva meetings of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, I regret to note that we are today no nearer to general and complete disarmament than we were a year ago. When we met last year in the wake of the partial test ban treaty signed in Moscow, we all expressed our appreciation to the nuclear Powers for having achieved that much in the direction of the goal of complete and general disarmament, and hoped that more would be achieved in the following months. But the report of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament [S/5731] makes it abundantly clear that the principal negotiators have reached another stalemate.
72. When we consider this regrettable deadlock in the light of the proposals exchanged and accepted in principle by the leaders of the major nuclear Powers, some of us may well wonder why no progress has been made. I would be the last to depreciate the intricate problems involved in a disarmament negotiation, but, despite initial difficulties, it is clear that further attempts will have to be made to overcome the obstacles, technical or otherwise, in the way of general and complete disarmament.
73. My delegation would, therefore, suggest that the major nuclear Powers take immediate steps, along the lines recommended in the joint memorandum of the eight non-aligned States which participated in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament [A/ 5731, annex I, sect.O], to achieve an agreement completely banning all nuclear weapons tests and discontinuing all such tests. The urgency of such a step is even greater today than it was a year ago, a fact clearly brought home to us by the recent successful nuclear test explosion by China. I need hardly dwell on the gravity of the situation precipitated by this recent, although not wholly unexpected, event, which should galvanize this Assembly to take immediate, decisive steps to halt the further proliferation of nuclear devices and completely ban the use of such weapons for war purposes.
74. I think it opportune to recall at this point the proposal of the Ethiopian delegation as far back as the thirteenth session of the General Assembly, in 1958. Ethiopia proposed at that time convening a special conference for the purpose of signing a convention on the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons. We maintained that such a move would be an effective deterrent to the arms race and would thereby ease world tensions and be conducive to a feeling of mutual trust among the Powers. We maintained that this would be a decisive step towards general and complete disarmament and the elimination of the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Today we are more than ever convinced of the merit of our proposal and would, therefore, urge this Assembly to give it its closest attention.
75. One other matter which my delegation would wish to be considered in this connexion is the extension of nuclear-free zones. We all recall that at the last session the General Assembly adopted resolution 1911 (XVIII) on the denuclearization of Latin America. Now an item entitled "Denuclearization of Africa" has been inscribed on the agenda of the present session, pursuant to the declaration of the Assembly of Heads of African States and Governments which met in Cairo last July. My Government urges the extension of nuclear-free zones as a major step in the containment of this frightful instrument, and I trust that this is the attitude of the majority of this body, which, I hope, will give the matter its most serious consideration.
76. I should like to turn now to a very important event in recent months. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Geneva from 23 March to 16 June last, has been described as "possibly the most significant effort to organize world trade in our time". Conferences on trade and development, heretofore regarded as a specialized field, are now recognized as having an important bearing on many of today's socio-political problems. Thus we find that the United Nations and its agencies are now devoting more time than ever to economic problems, and we find on our agenda more items dealing with economics than ever before.
77. It is gratifying to note that the importance of the problems of the developing countries has become more generally recognized. At the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the problems of economic development of the developing countries were discussed in the context of their trade needs, with a view to achieving the modest targets of the Development Decade. The intense deliberations that took place at the conference bear out the fact that the goals of the Development Decade will remain unimplemented unless bold measures are taken to open markets for the export products of the developing countries, which presently suffer from highly restrictive international market situations. To forestall this danger, the conference adopted the resolutions embodied in the Final Act which, if faithfully implemented, could pave the way for the speedy economic progress of the developing countries.
78. The implementation of these resolutions would mark the beginning of an irreversible process for greater world economic co-operation — a process which would enable the United Nations to accomplish its unfinished mission, namely, the attainment of "social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom".
79. With these remarks, my delegation would like to appeal strongly to the developed countries which reserved their positions in Geneva to join hands in the setting up of the proposed United Nations trade and development machinery.
80. There is only one more subject I should like to touch upon before concluding my remarks, and that is the chronic problem of financing the Unitedd Nations peace-keeping operations, particularly the assessments on the United Nations Middle East and Congo operations. We all know the background of these difficulties and the steps that have been taken to solve them. Yet today the Organization is faced with the most severe crisis in its nineteen years of existence. The arguments on both sides — those who refuse to pay their full assessments and those who consequently demand full application of Article 19 of the Charter — merit careful consideration.
81. I should like to mention two points which might be worth considering here. First, let us not forget that the United Nations Charter, upon which the arguments are based, is the result of compromise and mutual accommodation rather than of rigid, intransigent positions. Secondly, as the Charter does not provide for every possible contingency under the sun, perhaps Member States should make a special effort to ensure the broadest possible interpretation of its provisions, rather than demand a strict and narrow application. Rather than stress differences, our endeavour should be to widen areas of agreement. That is the view of my delegation on this matter.
82. It also appears that the conflict lies in legalistic and procedural fields, and if this is really the case, then certainly the differences cm be ironed out by this body. My Government maintains that the effective functioning of this Organization is the collective responsibility of the entire membership. The same view was expressed by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity which met in Cairo last July, in. a resolution urging Member States to meet their obligations to the United Nations and render it all necessary assistance to help it fulfil its role in maintaining peace and security. It is, therefore, in a spirit of mutual accommodation that we should approach this difficult, but not insoluble problem. As in any family, harmonious relationships within this Organization can depend only upon the goodwill and generosity of its Members, upon the willingness to give as well as take, upon a genuine desire to co-operate and a readiness to make necessary concessions.
83. We must realize that the United Nations is the best — perhaps last — hope of mankind for international peace and security, and that we must do all we can to keep it going. To keep it going, we must keep it solvent and this, as I said earlier, is a collective responsibility. I should also state that it is my delegation's belief that the settlement of outstanding financial obligations would greatly facilitate the adoption of a general procedure for future peace-keeping operations.
84. In conclusion, I should like to express the fervent hope of my delegation that, despite the difficulties confronting this session, despite the complexities of the decisions to be made, we shall, with goodwill and co-operation, arrive at solutions that will be beneficial to all.