76. President, I should like, first of all, to perform a pleasant duty. The delegation of the Central African Republic would like to add its fraternal congratulations to those which have marked your unanimous election to the Presidency of our Assembly. By electing you to the highest office in our Organization, the General Assembly has recognized your undisputed and indisputable qualities as an accomplished African diplomat who has been a staunch defender of the lofty ideals of the United Nations. My delegation is pleased at the signal honour which has thus been conferred on a sister nation and, by association, on Africa, where we wish to see concord and unity grow stronger every day. Your qualities as an impartial arbitrator give the Central African delegation hope that the course of our work may be brought to a happy conclusion in the best interests of our Organization.
77. It is also a pleasure for me to pay a tribute to the ability and skill of the distinguished diplomat whom you have succeeded, Mr. Carlos Sosa Rodriguez, and also to our Secretary-General U Thant. We are happy to see him back among us. My delegation expresses its wishes for his complete recovery so that he may once again be able to exercise in the service of the Organization the foresight, courage and unswerving devotion which he has demonstrated in the past.
78. The founding Members of the United Nations wished it to be a "centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of... common ends", namely: safeguarding the peace by fostering human brotherhood, by preserving equality and by continuing to promote international solidarity in all spheres. It is for this reason, Mr. President, that my delegation expresses the hope that, under your able guidance, the present session will direct its efforts towards the strengthening and maintenance of peace among peoples and among nations.
79. One cannot talk of peace without wanting to mention the vital problem of general and complete disarmament. My country very much regrets that once again at Geneva the Committee failed to make "any concrete substantive progress" [A/5801/Add.1, section II], which makes it evident that, in some respects, the resolutions on disarmament adopted at the eighteenth session have remained a dead letter. My country was deeply perturbed by this failure, and this feeling was vindicated by the recent explosion of the Chinese atom bomb. For this reason the Central African Republic joins with those countries which adopt the suggestion made by the Secretary-General and recommend that discussions should take place between the five nuclear Powers. My Government fully supports any solution which would bring about general and complete disarmament under adequate international control.
80. It will be recalled that my country joined other nations in applauding the signing of the Moscow Treaty. At the time, however, my country felt itself obliged to postpone becoming a party to the Treaty which, in its opinion, had certain defects. I am pleased to announce, however, that, as of 22 December 1964, the Central African Republic has become a party to the Moscow Treaty. We earnestly hope that in the near future the discontinuance of nuclear and thermonuclear tests will be world-wide and total. Moreover, the denuclearization of Africa remains one of our main preoccupations.
81. We feel that the strengthening of peace requires more than disarmament. The subjugation and exploitation of one people by another, if not brought to an end on rational political terms, may well jeopardize peace. The problem of decolonization is of particular concern to my country. For this reason we welcomed the admission to the United Nations of the new sovereign and independent States of Malawi, Malta and Zambia.
82. It is because we desire decolonization to take place as rapidly as possible, in accordance with the right of peoples to self-determination, that we admire the political courage shown by the Labour Government in London. It has satisfied us by rejecting Southern Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence. We shall give all possible support to those of our brothers who are fighting for their independence. This is our firm resolve.
83. It is known that we categorically condemn the policy of apartheid practised by South Africa. We hope that the great Powers will do everything they can to persuade the South African Government to end its reactionary policy.
84. The war which is raging in South-East Asia does nothing to strengthen the peace. Hatred must be replaced by the brotherhood of man. We beg the opposing parties and their allies to listen to the voice of reason. Unless South Viet-Nam is neutralized, there will be no hope for this region of South-East Asia.
85. The tragedy in South Viet-Nam, the result of what I might call a "hot war", leads me to mention in passing such consequences of the "cold war" as the fate of Berlin and Korea. We cannot tolerate the existence of divided nations without feeling indignation; we cannot tolerate indefinitely the anguish suffered daily by separated families. My Government considers that the distressing situation of the two Berlins calls for an early solution through the application of the principle of self-determination. Korea must be reunified, and for this to be done, the competence and authority of the United Nations must not be challenged by any of the parties concerned.
86. In the Middle East, every passing year sees the conflict between the State of Israel and its Arab neighbours continue unabated, so much so that the agonizing problem of the Arab refugees remains unsolved, despite repeated United Nations declarations that it is determined to settle the matter by peaceful means. My Government firmly believes in the possibility of direct discussions, free from political passions, between the parties concerned. Our position on this issue is well known.
87. My country's recognition of communist China has provoked anxiety in some Western circles. The Washington Post, a United States newspaper, states: "...France is in competition with communist China in its own sphere." This point was well taken by the newspaper Terre Africaine in an editorial entitled "Independence and Friendship": "... This is going a bit far. A Central African proverb says: 'One should not throw away one's old game-bag just because one has made a new one.' We in the Central African Republic, apart from all material problems, consider that relations with the different countries of the world lead towards better understanding between nations and, consequently, towards peace, that greatest hope of all men."
88. This was later stressed by Adama Tamboux, President of the National Assembly, who stated, at the opening of the 1964 budgetary session: "The extension of our diplomatic relations does not in any way affect our traditional friendships. We desire both old and new friendships to be an effective and continual exchange and to be sincerely reflected as much in everyday affairs as in feelings. For such friendships to blossom and grow, they must of course be accompanied by a scrupulous respect for the principle of non-intervention in domestic affairs, and by careful precautions which must be observed by even the most well-intentioned and most earnest advisers, so that it is never forgotten that the decision is ours and ours alone. "One must also say that friendship with all — and I stress this point — does not mean commitment to one side or the ether. Everyone should understand that we value our freedom too highly and have too much common sense to commit ourselves to either bloc. It has been said that our role was to be the Switzerland of Central Africa. In any event, one thing is true: the absolute neutrality of Switzerland must be a permanent example to us."
89. Thus, the Central African Republic refuses to accept the idea of a world divided into rival blocs. A purely African concept, based on other theories which are commendable for their flexibility, a concept which can be adapted to the traditions and the needs of our country—that is the goal towards which the Central African Republic, which is an African State above all, directs all its efforts. The motives for our joining both the Organization of African Unity and the Customs and Economic Union of Central Africa can therefore be readily understood: we wish to strengthen existing ties, to establish real friendship, and to find a reasonable solution to such differences as may arise between sister nations.
90. However, we do not wish to interfere in the domestic affairs of other States, nor do we admire those-, who think they are authorized to do so. But then, we may be asked, why did the Central African Republic take sides in the Congo affairs?
91. We should like to make it clear that we, for our part, have never questioned for a moment the legitimacy of the present Congolese Government. But, as a neighbouring State, we have continued to deplore the succession of tragic events in the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It is for this reason that the Central African Government, in its desire to see peace return to that country, has on many occasions appealed to all the Congolese people to settle their problems themselves in peace and unity and without any vindictiveness or rancour.
92. There was an attempt to convince us that the foreign intervention at Stanleyville last November had a humanitarian purpose; nevertheless, we cannot but say that its murderous character shocked us. In fact, the action which was initially called humanitarian not only showed itself as discriminatory, but above all, it "destroyed human lives and caused considerable damage to property". Of course, we received the news with indignation, and we strongly condemned the action; this is shown by our participation in the request for the convening of the Security Council.
93. We placed great hopes in the assistance of the Organization of African Unity in settling this tragic crisis, an assistance spontaneously requested by the legally constituted authorities at Leopoldville. We wanted, in fact, an African solution to the problem, and only the Organization of African Unity appears to hold the key to such a solution. If only some patience had been exercised, that Organization would have been able to make some headway towards a peaceful settlement acceptable to the parties to the dispute. Unfortunately, the opposite has happened, and now the Democratic Republic of the Congo is on the way to being converted into a second Viet-Nam, if nothing is done to prevent it. This simile is not far-fetched. On the contrary, we are firmly convinced that it applies.
94. My Government still believes that the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations is a matter of vital importance. We have noted and stressed the universal scope of the United Nations. In common with other States, we have recognized that communist China is a living reality. China has now shown to the world that it is henceforth one of the atomic Powers.
95. The vast extent of its territory and its enormous population compel us to reject the "two Chinas" theory and undeniably contributes to the arguments in favour of the admission of communist China to the United Nations. This Organization must end its hesitations and postponements and arrive at a positive decision. The ostrich-like policy it has pursued so fa? must be discarded. The legitimacy of the Peking Government is unquestionable.
96. The Central African Republic, as a developing country, is not indifferent to economic and development problems, and has accordingly followed with great interest the work of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.
97. We have noted that some industrialized countries which favoured the elimination of all obstacles to international trade made little or no provision for the increased purchasing power of the peoples of the under-developed countries, whereas others showed a preference for a system of limited trade, governed by bilateral agreements. Others, again, opposed the abolition or even the reduction of fiscal barriers, while yet another group spoke of "chaos" and "anarchy", forecasting a new tower of Babel and expressing the opinion that, after all, the new States—meaning us- were immature and inexperienced in economic matters.
98. We shall not lay too great a stress on such negative aspects of the Geneva Conference. On the contrary, we note with satisfaction that the developing countries have some staunch friends, and that it is certainly owing to their good will that the Geneva Conference achieved some positive results: "... the adoption of international policies and measures for the economic development of the developing countries shall take into account the individual characteristics and different stages of development of the developing countries, special attention being paid to the less developed among them, as an effective means of ensuring sustained growth with equitable opportunity for each developing country."
99. For this reason, we were pleased to note: first, the explicit or implicit recognition of the necessity for far-reaching changes in international economic policy, as also in the direction which that policy should take; secondly, the decision to set up an international body in the framework of the United Nations for the purpose of applying that policy to trade and to the trade aspects of development; and thirdly, the spontaneous emergence and evolution, among seventy- seven developing countries, of the will for joint action, aimed at giving those countries a greater say in the development and application of international economic policy.
100. The Central African Republic gladly pays a tribute to the men of good will who, from near or from far, contributed to the achievement of these positive results, although we recognize, with the Secretary-General of the Conference, that this road has only just been opened, and it will be long and difficult. The Central African Republic is fully aware that the road will be long and difficult, and that is why Mr. David Dacko declared recently before our National Assembly: "Our people is prepared to give of its best in the battle for development ... I am turning now to our friends, because we need them. This international movement of solidarity for the benefit of the least favoured countries is a reality which the blind egoism of the "Cartierists" cannot do away with. Every State, every international organization naturally has the right to choose the country which it wishes to aid; but our policy of peace and friendship towards all peoples, our calm and our stability, which are the guarantee of a rational utilization of capital and technicians sent to our country, are trump cards which lead us to believe that all States which share our ideals will come to our aid. The interests of the Central African people dictate that we accept all assistance, because our needs are too great to do otherwise. That is why we have adopted a policy of non-alignment ... based on honest and fruitful co-operation with all those States which offer us their sincere friendship. We also wish to stress that this policy is founded on the principle —which we hold to be supreme—of non-interference in the domestic affairs [of States]."
101. It will be remembered that at its eighteenth session the General Assembly adopted amendments [see resolution 1991 (XVIII)] enlarging some of the principal organs of the United Nations, in accordance with the changes in the Organization's membership. The Central African Republic, for its part, is happy to state that it is among those countries which have ratified the amendments adopted at the eighteenth session.
102. The United Nations peace-keeping operations in the Middle East and in the Congo have entailed considerable expenditure, and the question of how these costs are to be defrayed has given rise to differences of opinion among Member States. Some States feel that the defaulters should be compelled to pay their share.
103. Since then, a political and constitutional crisis has developed within the Organization, despite the ruling by the International Court of Justice, which had been consulted on this very point, and that crisis constitutes a serious threat to the very existence of the United Nations. My Government is not indifferent to this, being, as is well known, deeply attached to the principles of the Charter. It therefore considers, after mature reflection, that Article 19 cannot be applied against any State except for non-payment of its regular assessments for the normal functioning of the Organization, a term which excludes special operations such as those in the Congo, Cyprus, etc.
104. Indeed, my Government feels that the crisis we are experiencing appears in some measure to justify re-examination of the Charter in regard to the problem of peace-keeping operations, and more particularly in regard to the composition, control and financing of United Nations forces.
105. The acute crisis our Organization is facing has naturally concerned the delegation of the Central African Republic, and we need hardly say that our country greatly regrets the deadlock reached by the present session of the General Assembly in its work.
106. It is asserted, admittedly, that "the United Nations ... is the sham communication in which [the great Powers] hide their purposes...". Again, it is asserted that "the United Nations is a managed organ of the powers ..." The German philosopher, Karl Jaspers, made these statements in his famous book, The Future of Mankind. The Central African Republic, however, refuses to lend its support to this point of view; on the contrary, it reaffirms its faith in the wisdom of which the great Powers are capable. Our faith is all the more profound since the year 1965 calls for more active international co-operation than ever before.
107. In this spirit, we should like to express, as we begin the year 1965, our fervent hope of seeing international co-operation at work in every field to make our world more habitable, not only for the weak and poor nations, but also for those that enjoy both wealth and power.