60. Mr. President, I feel that before opening my statement it is my duty to pay tribute to the memory of Winston Churchill. The death of Winston Churchill deprived the world of a great man, but that great man is now possessed by history.
61. Mr. President, earlier in the general debate and in the course of a brief intervention, I had the opportunity to express to you the feelings and the heartfelt congratulations of my delegation on your well deserved unanimous election to the Presidency of the General Assembly. Your election constitutes both a tribute to you, personally, as well as to the whole of Africa, whose role in the establishment of world order on the basis of peace with freedom and justice has been rapidly growing in significance.
62. I should also like to take this opportunity to express my delegation's sincere congratulations and warm welcome to the new States admitted to membership at the beginning of this session. I fully share the confidence expressed by most of the speakers who have taken the floor earlier, that Malawi, Zambia and Malta will play to the full their part in the general efforts to promote the objectives of the United Nations, namely, peace with freedom and justice. These newly independent States — like many other States in this Assembly that recently achieved their freedom—know only too well the real meaning of peace with freedom and justice. Their contribution, therefore, towards this objective, which is the basic goal of the United Nations, will, we believe, be both valuable and positive.
63. From the beginning of its present session the General Assembly has been confronted with a deadlock over the issue of payment for peace-keeping operations, and as a result of this it has been, and still is, operating in an unusual and unsatisfactory manner, and in an atmosphere of disappointment and frustration. While appreciating the considerations that necessitated the present manner of conducting the General Assembly, we feel strongly that the exercise of the right to vote ought not to be indefinitely postponed, and that this session should be allowed to proceed normally with its scheduled work. My delegation sincerely hopes and trusts that a way out of the present impasse will be found which will enable the General Assembly to discharge its functions properly. This becomes the more imperative when we turn our attention to the many serious and important issues appearing on the provisional agenda of this session.
64. Let us also bear in mind that 1965, which marks the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations, has been designated as International Co-operation Year. Let us not permit this landmark in history to pass without causing at least some of the expectations originally conceived by one of the greatest statesmen of our time, the late Jawaharlal Nehru of India, to materialize.
65. In this respect, I wish to point out that while the plans and programmes suggested by the Committee for the International Co-operation Year, acting within its terms of reference, are most commendable, it might be well to urge that a more global view of the significance of International Co-operation Year be taken, so as to make it encompass the more fundamental issues which face the world today, and in respect of which positive and decisive action is greatly needed if the ideal of international co-operation is to be substantially advanced in the service of mankind and peace.
66. Issues such as the achievement of general and complete disarmament and positive and constructive steps to that end; the total prohibition of the use and testing of nuclear weapons, as well as the prohibition of their wider dissemination; the establishment of nuclear free zones in as many parts of the world as possible; the narrowing of the gap between the developed and the developing countries; the total abolition of discrimination and privileges; the equality of all citizens in every State, irrespective of ethnic origin, religion, colour, creed or sex; the total eradication of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations; and the establishment of a world order in international relations based upon the strict adherence to the principles of equality, complete freedom, self- determination, justice and mutual respect for the sovereign rights of each State as laid down in the Charter of the United Nations, are among the most basic issues that require our most serious and urgent consideration. It is by giving our attention to these basic issues and by providing through positive and effective action, the possibilities for a solution to the existing problems related to these issues, as well as to other major problems, that the present session of the General Assembly, if permitted to function properly, may be able to make International Cooperation Year a success and leave its own imprint in history.
67. When we look ahead to the task which the United Nations is expected to perform, in furtherance of the principles and purposes of the Charter and in order effectively to promote conditions of security, peace and justice in the world, by removing the causes of friction, eliminating the causes of fear and possible catastrophe, and healing the wounds of many peoples, that have come about either through foreign domination and exploitation, or through their own poverty and weakness, it is only then, perhaps, that the deep disappointment and frustration, shared by most of us, can be made more easily understandable. It is only when we try to conceive the great mission of the United Nations and the basic importance of the various issues that the United Nations is being called upon to deal with that we may come to realise how comparatively trivial is the issue — very important indeed if examined in isolation — which has, up to this very moment, been preventing the Assembly from going ahead. It is not, I submit, beyond the capability of this Assembly to resolve this crisis.
68. In this connexion, I wish to express our deep appreciation to the Secretary-General, together with our sincere hope that his efforts towards removing the obstacles which have for some time now been hindering the normal functioning of the Assembly, will soon be crowned with success.
69. Our deep appreciation also goes to the President of the Assembly for his tireless efforts to facilitate a solution to the present impasse and whose patience and great skill have made it possible for him to discharge the heavy responsibilities of his high office under most delicate and difficult circumstances in an exemplary manner. Tribute is also due to the former President of the Assembly, the representative of Venezuela, for his valuable contribution in this respect. One cannot but congratulate the entire African-Asian Group, and in particular its Committee of Twelve, for its continuous endeavours to contribute constructively, with the interests of the United Nations genuinely at heart, towards a solution to the problem confronting this Organization today. It is only proper to make specific reference to the constructive endeavours of the representatives of Afghanistan and Nigeria, as well as to the representatives of Algeria and Burma, former and present Chairman respectively of the African-Asian Group, for their efforts in this respect.
70. My country is small in population and resources. It is, however, inhabited by a very ancient people, fully conscious of their responsibilities to others, as well as to themselves. Cyprus was for too long under foreign domination and oppression. It has fought hard for freedom and for the principles of the Charter. Ever since Cyprus became a Member of the United Nations it has consistently and steadfastly adhered to the letter and the spirit of the Charter, and advocated, as strongly as it has been able, the strengthening of the United Nations. In our modest way we have consistently supported all the efforts of the United Nations to secure peace with freedom and justice. It is in this spirit that we ourselves turned to the United Nations—despite many pressures and attempts to prevent us from doing so — when we found our small country confronted with threats and acts of aggression on the part of a powerful neighbour. It is in the same spirit that we also welcomed the stationing of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus.
71. We strongly believe in the United Nations and we are completely dedicated to the principles of its Charter. We believe that the United Nations is not a structure that may lightheartedly be allowed to drift into a state of inertia or collapse, for if it does the prospects for the future of humanity could not but be very grim. The United Nations still remains the hope of humanity, in a world full of dangerous antagonisms and injustices, in a world in which expediency, sinister interests and exploitation have not yet given way to morality and justice. The United Nations must not only survive, but it should be further strengthened.
72. This is in the interests of the world as a whole and, even more so, it is in the interests of the small and weak countries, striving to preserve or strengthen or attain their freedom. What followed after the collapse of the League of Nations, however grave and terrible, could not, in any way, be compared with what might follow if the United Nations were to collapse. It would be too horrifying to even attempt to imagine.
73. The United Nations must survive and must be strengthened. It is in this spirit that we feel that the problems confronting the United Nations should be speedily resolved. It is in this spirit that we feel that all countries, deprived at this moment of their rightful place in the United Nations, either through foreign domination and colonialism or through obsolete and unrealistic considerations, should soon be taking their seats in this world Assembly as equal Members. It is in the same spirit that we wish to express our sincere regret at Indonesia's decision to abandon its rightful place in the United Nations.
74. In our noble aim to promote effectively the establishment of a new world order based on peace with freedom and justice, the primary objective and duty of all of us on this twentieth anniversary of the United Nations, is to rededicate ourselves to the United Nations and to the principles of its Charter, upon which the very foundations of the Organization rest.
75. In its search for effective measures to promote the ideal of world peace, the General Assembly has had to consider over and over again the question of disarmament, to which it has always attached, and rightly so, great importance. That is one of the issues that the Assembly may be called upon to deal with once more in the course of its present session. With regard to that vital question, it has to be noted that another year has elapsed without any significant breakthrough, despite the momentum generated by the signing of the Moscow Treaty on the banning of nuclear tests.
76. While the policy of accommodation and relaxation of tensions between East and West — which has been given further impetus by recent statements made by leaders of both Power blocs — may go some way towards lessening the suspicion and distrust which lie at the bottom of the failure to reach agreement on disarmament, the fact cannot be ignored that the present state of affairs — when we witness not disarmament, but a continued increase in the stockpiles of nuclear armaments — constitutes a continuous danger to the very existence of mankind. While general and complete disarmament is and should be the ideal and final goal, and while efforts in this respect should be accelerated, one should be realistic enough to accept the fact that an over-all agreement of this nature may take time to achieve. Consequently, Cyprus wishes to stress once again the need to take certain specific steps parallel with this great effort, including the halting of arms production and the freezing of armaments at the existing levels, particularly among the nuclear Powers, as collateral measures preliminary to an over-all agreement. As an important step in the direction of a comprehensive disarmament treaty, the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee — whose efforts, with special emphasis on the important contribution of the non-aligned countries participating in its work, are to be commended — might usefully take into account the suggestion for the setting up of an international disarmament organization as a specialized agency. Moreover, the Committee might consider measures for safeguarding more effectively the security of States by a collective security system, always under the auspices of the United Nations, as a step that might facilitate further the possibility of disarmament. These are but a few measures that may, we believe, be usefully considered.
77. With regard to the more specific question of nuclear testing, we continue to hope that it will sooii prove possible for the Moscow Treaty to become more comprehensive by an agreement to ban underground tests. Cyprus continues to support fully the initiative taken by Ethiopia in suggesting the convening of a conference for the purpose of concluding an agreement on the prohibition of the use of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons. Moreover, we feel strongly against the storing of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons by any of the nuclear Powers on the territory of other countries, and, in this connexion, I wish to place on record our firm view that the maintenance or establishment of foreign military bases and the stationing of troops on the territory of other countries, and especially against the express will of those countries, is a gross violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of those States, as well as a threat to freedom and international peace.
78. How gratifying it would be if atomic energy and other great achievements in science and technology were used exclusively for peaceful purposes and if the vast economic resources now devoted to the stockpiling of armaments or the maintenance of military bases were diverted into the fields of the economic and social development of less developed countries. We sincerely hope that one day, not too distant — and indeed it has to be before it is too late — we shall all be in a position to hail such a tremendous achievement of man's will to live and prosper.
79. With regard to the question of economic and technical assistance to the developing countries, it is our firm view that such assistance may be more usefully and properly channelled through the United Nations than on a bilateral basis.
80. Cyprus is grateful to the Special Fund and to the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance for their contribution to the development of the country. I hope that the anticipated merger of these two programmes into the United Nations Development Programme will revitalize the effort of the United Nations to the greater benefit of the developing countries.
81. The problem presented by the growing economic inequality between the rich and the poor countries has been aptly characterized by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization [A/580l/Add.1] as fundamentally as serious as the East-West tension, with all the dangers they portend for the continued existence of mankind. The gap should be narrowed and every effort should be made to that end. In this connexion I should like to express our satisfaction at the achievements of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and to state our wholehearted support for the recommendations made by the Conference and for the resolution adopted on 30 December 1964 by the Assembly on the setting up of a permanent secretariat for this Conference [resolution 1995 (XIX)]. As a developing country, we trust that the expectations surrounding this great effort will be realized and that this will positively contribute to narrowing the gap between the developed and the developing countries, and thereby promote the aims of international economic and social co-operation.
82. Disarmament, the peaceful uses of atomic energy and the economic and social development of the small and developing countries, are very important factors in promoting the idea of peace. Peace, however, cannot be secured unless complete freedom is secured. Peace, without freedom and justice, cannot survive. However important and necessary disarmament and economic and social progress may be, they cannot by themselves secure peace. In fact disarmament and economic and social progress cannot themselves be completely achieved and consolidated without complete freedom. Freedom and justice must be universal. It is therefore the imperative duty of all to join their efforts for the complete eradication of colonialism, imperialism and neo-colonialism, in any form or manifestation. Having ourselves emerged to independence after a long period of foreign domination, we have firmly and constantly adhered to the principle of the total elimination of colonialism. From the very first year of our admission to the United Nations we associated ourselves with, participated actively in and strongly supported all causes of the oppressed peoples in the world for the achievement of their inalienable right to independence and self-determination.
83. Imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism, including economic exploitation of former colonial territories, constitute serious sources of international tension and conflict, endangering peace and security. We wholeheartedly support the efforts of the Committee of Twenty-Four to bring about the full application of the historic Declaration contained in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and of which Cyprus was proud to be a co-sponsor. We fully support the struggle of all colonial peoples striving for their freedom, whether they be in Angola, Mozambique or so-called Portuguese Guinea or in British Guiana, the Arabian peninsula, or elsewhere in the world.
84. We stand for complete freedom. We stand for the complete elimination of all forms of colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism and foreign domination, all forms of oppression and injustice. In this respect the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. I wish to refer to certain specific cases related to this most serious aspect of the present international situation.
85. With regard to the question of racial discrimination, my delegation believes that all efforts should be intensified to put an end to the inhuman doctrine of apartheid, which is both morally reprehensible and politically disastrous. Segregation and division on the grounds of religion, ethnic origin, or colour, should be effectively and decisively opposed by the United Nations. Apart from the great injustice involved in such practices, they become, by themselves, sources of enmity and strife. We consider, for example, that apart from the moral and legal aspects involved, the inhuman racial policy applied in South Africa constitutes a threat to international peace and security.
86. It is also my duty to deplore, before the United Nations, the inhuman treatment meted out by the Turkish Government upon the Greek population in Constantinople.
87. My delegation firmly believes that all forms of discrimination, be it on grounds of colour, race, religion or ethnic origin, should be completely eliminated. The Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are, in this respect, the determining instruments superseding and overshadowing any remnants of previous eras, be they the result of anachronistic tradition or the outcome of situations imposed by colonialism and imperialism, or of any other cause.
88. In Southern Rhodesia, we feel very strongly that the only solution that can be applied to the problem facing that territory is one which is acceptable to the majority of the population on the basis of one man, one vote. The inalienable right of the people of Southern Rhodesia to self-determination should be fully and freely applied to the people of that country as a whole and on the basis of universal suffrage.
89. There is a very close parallel between the situation in Southern Rhodesia and the problem facing my own country, and yet, at the same time, there are some very fundamental differences. In Cyprus, the Government, which has the support of the vast majority of the population, is trying to eliminate all forms of segregation, discrimination or privileges, based on race, religion or ethnic origin — which are the legacy of the colonialist policy of divide and rule — and to apply fully and effectively the democratic principle of "one man, one vote". And in so doing Cyprus is encountering the fierce opposition of foreign Powers, despite the fact that Cyprus is a sovereign State and an equal Member of the United Nations.
90. In Southern Rhodesia, on the other hand, a white minority regime, which is the product of out-dated colonialism, is denying to the vast majority of the country's population, on the basis of race and colour, the application of this same democratic principle of one man, one vote, while seeking to perpetuate an unacceptable state of affairs. We sincerely trust that the present British Government will heed the universal demand by not leaving behind a legacy of division and strife in Southern Rhodesia as its predecessor did in certain other cases, including Cyprus. Southern Rhodesia must become independent, but not on the basis of white minority government or on the basis of two divided communities, a concept of colonialism. Southern Rhodesia should become independent as a democratic country in which the majority will govern. The present totally unacceptable and unjust situation in Southern Rhodesia cannot be perpetuated.
91. Likewise, the injustice imposed by foreign interests upon the Arab people of Palestine cannot be perpetuated. The Palestine question is a very serious political problem involving the very principles of justice and morality. Cyprus does not pay lip service to the cause of the Palestinian people, as some others have been doing recently in their efforts to gain other advantages in connexion with other problems. Cyprus has always had the deepest sympathy and solidarity for the Arab people of Palestine, whose just cause we strongly support, and we hope and trust that the United Nations will be able to take positive and effective steps towards the full restoration of their legitimate and inalienable rights. The non-aligned countries in this respect have made their wish clear in the historic Cairo Declaration [A/5763].
92. With regard to the situation in the Congo we deplore the circumstances which led this new and potentially dynamic State into its present tragic situation — a direct result, in this case also, of the colonial policy of division.
93. The item dealing with the principles of international law concerning friendly relations and cooperation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [agenda item 81] is of paramount importance, in the view of my delegation, particularly when we take into account the fact that acts of international lawlessness continue to occur and some of them remain uncensured. My delegation has had the opportunity in the past to stress the importance which we attach to strict adherence.to and respect for these principles, which include the principle of sovereign equality of all. Member States, the principle prohibiting the threat or use of force by one State against another in their international relations, the principle of nonintervention, and the principle of self-determination. These principles constitute the very foundation of the United Nations, and were stressed and elaborated upon in the historic Cairo Declaration of the non- aligned States as the fundamental principles of peaceful coexistence.
94. Peaceful coexistence is as possible as it is necessary, both regionally as well as globally, if peace is to be secured — and if peace is to be secured the principles upon which peaceful coexistence is based and which are the very principles of the Charter of the United Nations should be strictly adhered to and fully respected by all. Peaceful coexistence on the basis of the principles of the Charter would secure the desired peace with freedom and justice which the United Nations has the responsibility and the task of promoting, safeguarding and consolidating.
95. It is this ideal of peace with freedom and justice, and these very principles of the Charter that my Government will request the General Assembly to reaffirm and uphold in the case of Cyprus. The question of Cyprus is not a matter of dispute among different States, although it has been made to appear as such. It is not a complicated problem, despite all efforts to present it as such. It is a simple question as to whether Cyprus, as a sovereign State and an equal Member of the United Nations, is entitled or not to the same rights enjoyed by all Member States by virtue of the Charter. It is a simple question as to whether Cyprus, as a sovereign Member State of the United Nations, is entitled or not to the same inalienable rights that we all so strongly uphold, and rightly so, in the case of territories still under foreign rule and colonial domination. Is Cyprus, as a sovereign State, entitled to less under the Charter than is any other Member State of the United Nations? Is Cyprus, as a sovereign State, entitled to less under the Charter and the relevant declarations of the United Nations than it would have been entitled to had it still been under the colonial administration of the United Kingdom or the domination of the Ottoman Empire? Is the United Nations prepared to agree that among its membership there are two classes of Members, with one class enjoying to the full the rights acquired under the Charter, and the other class not entitled to equality? Is the United Nations prepared to accept the untenable proposition — because that is what it amounts to — that the Charter of the United Nations may be amended by so-called treaty arrangements imposed upon colonial peoples prior to their independence? Is the United Nations prepared to ignore in the case of Cyprus the principles of sovereignty, equality, non-intervention and non-interference, unfettered independence and self-determination? Is the United Nations prepared to accept that Cyprus, an equal and sovereign Member State of the United Nations, is not entitled to enjoyment of the principles of the Charter?
96. When the General Assembly, by its resolution 1514 (XV), called for the transfer of all power to the people of all territories "without any conditions or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed will and desire", is it at all possible to argue that the same rule should not be applied to Cyprus? Does the existence of a small minority of different ethnic origin \ln a State or' a territory constitute a case for partition or for any other solution based on division and segregation? Has the world not had enough of partitions and divisions and of their terrible consequences? Are there any circumstances under which a minority — which we would like to regard as part of the population of the country, without any distinction or discrimination—could be permitted to overrule the wishes of the majority? There are many countries in the world in which there are minorities. There are many countries in the world in which there are groups of different ethnic origins. There is the case of the white minority in Southern Rhodesia. There is the case of the French minority in Algeria and in other former French colonies. There is the case of the Turkish minority in Cyprus. Should there be partition or federation on ethnic or racial grounds in Southern Rhodesia? Certainly not. Should there have been partition or federation on ethnic or racial grounds in Algeria or in any other former French colony where there was a French minority? Certainly not. Should the will of the majority in Southern Rhodesia be overruled by the white minority? Certainly not. Should the will of the Algerian people, the brave Algerian people, have been overruled by the French minority at that time? Thank God it was not, and certainly it should not have been.
97. If the principle of partition or division were to b© accepted on the basis of different groups, on the basis of the concept of separate communities and separate entities, I am afraid the map of the world would have to be radically rearranged, including the map of Turkey. Would Turkey be prepared to accept partition or federation on an ethnic basis in the case of the large Kurdish minority living in Turkey? — in which case the shifting of populations might not be necessary as it would be in the case of Cyprus, because in Cyprus the small Turkish minority is scattered throughout the island.
98. I wish to reassure many delegations in this Assembly representing countries in which minorities or groups of different ethnic origins exist, that Cyprus will never accept partition or any other solution involving division, or any arrangement through which the will of the majority is made dependent upon the power, the veto or the privileged position of any minority. The cause of Algeria was our cause, and the cause of the people of Southern Rhodesia is today our cause.
99. It is not my intention to deal with the question of Cyprus in all its details at this point. I hope and trust that the General Assembly will soon have the opportunity to consider this issue in full. However, at the present juncture, I considered it my duty to apprise the Assembly of the main aspects of the problem so as to put it in its proper perspective.
100. My Government has brought this issue before this body in the conviction that, in spite of its apparent and artificial complexity, it is easily capable of a solution consistent with peace, freedom and justice if approached in the right spirit. It must be approached as a problem involving the very principles upon which the United Nations rests, rather than in the outdated and totally wrong fashion that some have tried to impose upon us through an artifice of expediency aimed at accommodating external interests alien to the interests of the people of Cyprus as a whole and contrary to the principles of the Charter. In other words, the alternative to a United Nations solution would be the sacrifice of justice for the convenience of some, with the consequent perpetuation of strife, unrest, suffering and danger to peace.
101. The problem of Cyprus may be summed up as one which stems from an external effort to deprive Cyprus of the substance of its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. The origin of the present critical situation lies in the colonial policy of divide and rule, in the name of which Turkey, a former occupying Power, was in 1955 encouraged by Britain, the then colonial Power, to inject itself once more into the affairs of Cyprus. This was in complete disregard of the perfectly valid Treaty of Lausanne of 1923, by virtue of which Turkey had solemnly agreed to abandon all rights and interests with regard to Cyprus and the other territories formerly under the Ottoman Empire. I mention this solely for the benefit of those who appear so sensitive in regard to the Zurich and London Agreements of February 1959 which were imposed upon Cyprus, as well as for the benefit of all other countries which were formerly under the domination of the Ottoman Empire. This action was taken with the sole aim of complicating a simple issue of freedom and self- determination by promoting intercommunal division and strife in the island for purposes alien to the interests of the Cypriot people.
102. Turkey accepted the invitation of the British Government and agreed to inject itself as an interested party on the pretext of the existence in Cyprus of a Turkish minority of 18 per cent. This minority, which is the legacy of the occupation of Cyprus by the Ottoman Empire, had by then ceased to be a minority from Turkey, but had been incorporated into the population of Cyprus. The aim of the colonial Power was, in co-operation with the former colonial Power, Turkey, to frustrate the legitimate demands of the people of Cyprus for self-determination by provoking division and strife within Cyprus. This is how a simple and clear cut case was artificially complicated, the consequences of which continue to be the cause of the sufferings of the people of Cyprus.
103. The conspiracy to deprive Cyprus of the substance of its sovereignty and independence, in the service of foreign interests, took concrete shape in the so-called Agreements of Zurich and London, which were concluded while Cyprus was still under colonial domination and which were imposed upon Cyprus in circumstances of duress and blackmail. Those Agreements were basically and essentially in direct conflict with the Charter of the United Nations, as well as with universally accepted notions of democracy, justice and international law.
104. This conflict was brought into an even sharper focus by the actions of Turkey who, on the pretext of rights allegedly conferred upon her by those Agreements, resorted to aggression against Cyprus. Turkey instigated subversion, threatened invasion, and resorted to air attacks of terror against Cyprus, using, among other weapons, napalm incendiary bombs, and killing and maiming hundreds of men, women and children. And yet we are told that irrespective of the circumstances in which these so-called Agreements came about — and I say "so-called" because one has to be in a position freely to agree to something if an agreement is to be called an agreement—and irrespective of the contents of these Agreements which purport to Invalidate the Charter of the United Nations and all that this Organization stands for, namely, freedom, sovereignty, equality and independence, we are told that irrespective of the complete unworkability of these Agreements, irrespective of the continued gross and basic violations of these invalid, unworkable and unrealistic Agreements by one party, that these Agreements must be regarded as valid and that there is nothing that Cyprus can do about it.
105. Pacta sunt servanda, it is argued. Pacta sunt servanda, yes, but this applies to pacts and agreements which are valid in the light of the Charter and concluded freely between two States. As, in private law, there can be no validity in an agreement to kill or steal or to deprive a citizen of his civil rights, equally there can be no validity in international law in an agreement purporting to sanction any action or state of affairs in direct and flagrant disregard of the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter, or to deprive a sovereign State of its inherent rights.
106. I have thought it necessary to deal briefly with this aspect of the question concerning the so-called Zurich and London Agreements in order to shed some light on the matter the benefit of the delegations of those countries whose sensitive approach to issues related in one way or another to treaties might, for various reasons, tend to make them cautious in their approach to the Cyprus question. I trust that they will realize how basically different the picture is from what it might have been made to appear to them for obvious reasons.
107. It may be recalled that, on 20 September 1960, Cyprus was admitted to the United Nations as a sovereign and equal Member. The rights of equality, sovereignty, full independence and territorial integrity associated with membership were in effect fully recognized as far as Cyprus was concerned. This fact can be neither denied nor ignored. All Member States, without exception, have the absolute obligation strictly to respect the rights of Cyprus under the Charter. This position can be neither negotiated nor compromised.
108. When at the invitation of the United Kingdom — and on this even Sir Anthony Eden’s memoirs bear me out — Turkey agreed to inject itself into the Cyprus issue, the bait offered to Turkey and to which it has since clung, was the possibility of partition. It was to this end that Turkey, by word and action, contributed to the colonial policy of divide and rule. It was to this end of partition that the so-called Zurich and London Agreements were conceived as a first step. It was to this end of partition, in the service of neo-colonialist purposes, that Turkey instigated the subversion and promoted the animosity of the Turkish minority towards the rest of the population in Cyprus, and it was to this same end that Turkey resorted to aggression. When, however, Turkey realized that the term “partition” did not sound well in the ears of public opinion, she thought up the phrase "federation” in the hope that it might sound better.
109. Federation on a racial basis, it was thought, might sound reasonable at least to those who were misled into believing that the Turkish minority would not be safe in the hands of the majority. Federation, it was further thought, might prove to be the last and decisive step towards the ultimate goal of partition. What Turkey is now asking is for Cyprus to be broken up into pieces on ethnical grounds subsequent to the shifting of population, and then for those pieces to be federated. I wonder how this idea would sound to all those countries which have minorities and groups of different ethnical origin among their populations.
110. In this connexion I wish, once again, to make it quite clear that Cyprus will never accept partition or federation or any other solution involving division. The form of government and the political future of the country is for the people of Cyprus themselves to decide in accordance with the principles of democracy, and no one has any right to impose upon them any solution.
111. There are minorities in Cyprus as in most other parts of the world. Minorities in Cyprus are respected and they have nothing to fear. We wish to consider their members as equal citizens of the State without any discrimination whatsoever. We are determined to continue to ensure full respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all citizens without discrimination, in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This is a commitment. Furthermore, we are prepared to accept United Nations observation with regard to the respect of those rights—something which I feel not all countries would be prepared to do.
112. The case of Cyprus is the case of all freedom- loving peoples in the world. We are not trying to achieve something which is not due to us; we are only struggling to safeguard the rights to which we are entitled, to which we are entitled as a people and as a sovereign Member of the United Nations; and we are not asking the United Nations for anything which is novel. We are simply asking the General Assembly to uphold the principles of the Charter in the case of Cyprus: the principle of unrestricted sovereignty and unfettered independence, the principle that the destiny of Cyprus is in the hands of the people of Cyprus and in the hands of the people of Cyprus alone; the principle of non-aggression and non-intervention against Cyprus, the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of Cyprus, the principles of territorial integrity and unity of the country. These are the principles of the United Nations, to which every Member State is entitled and to which every territory under foreign domination should be entitled without reservation or restriction.
113. Allow me to say that since its admission to the United Nations, Cyprus can point with pride to its record of respect for the principles of the Charter, to its record of active participation in all efforts aiming at strengthening the United Nations, and to its record of staunch support for all peoples struggling for their freedom, independence and self-determination. It is on the strength of this record, as well as on the strength of the principles of the Charter and the relevant declarations of the United Nations, that we have come to the United Nations ourselves. We are confident that our expectations will be fulfilled in the interests of democracy, justice and world peace, in the interests of the United Nations, and in furtherance of its purposes and principles which we have all in this Assembly pledged ourselves honestly and sincerely to uphold and serve.