50. Permit me, Mr. President on behalf of the delegation of Ceylon, to congratulate you warmly on your unanimous election as President of this Assembly, your personal qualities, your wisdom and experience, give us confidence that this Assembly, though confronted with difficult problems, will achieve constructive results in its progress towards peace and international understanding.
51. My delegation wishes also to extend its felicitations to the three new Members, Malawi, Malta and Zambia. Their presence here fulfils in an ever growing measure the goal of universality set before this Organization. I should like to pay a tribute here to the United Kingdom for its wisdom and foresight in granting these three Territories their independence, thus earning their goodwill and friendship.
52. It is a matter for great regret that the same enlightenment and political wisdom has not been shown by Portugal in its colonial policies. Portugal has disregarded the irresistible advance of colonial peoples towards independence and is attempting blindly to cling to its colonial possessions. Despite appeals by the United Nations and the weight of African and world opinion, Portugal remains obdurate. It is attempting to continue its domination over Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea by armed might, in callous disregard of the rights of the inhabitants of these territories to freedom and independence, the rising tide of African and world opinion, and the suffering and damage inflicted on the peoples and territories concerned. We condemn unreservedly the colonial policies of the Portuguese Government.
53. In 1960, this Assembly adopted its historic Declaration [resolution 1514 (XV)] calling for the termination of the system of colonialism and grant of freedom to all dependent territories. It is necessary that we maintain the pressure for the liquidation of all vestiges of colonialism that still remain. Neither economic nor strategic considerations can justify the continuation of colonial bondage, and the transfer of power to colonial peoples and territories should no longer he delayed. The principles of self-determination enshrined in the United Nations Charter, as well as the principles of democracy, dictate that peoples still under subjection should emerge into freedom and independence.
54. It is equally important that we take every possible measure to safeguard the independence and territorial integrity of the new nations that have joined the world community. Their freedom and independence are in danger of being compromised by the policies of new colonial Powers who wish to retain or extend their influence over these territories. These neo-colonial Powers exploit disputes left over from colonial times or elements of internal dissension in order to exercise, in their own interests, political, economic, and military control over the newly independent nations. A particular cause of concern at the present time is the perpetuation of colonialist and neo-colonialist situations through military assistance or intervention.
55. We are deeply concerned at the events in the Congo, and the use of mercenary forces to impose a military solution of a problem which is essentially political. We urge that a solution be found, in the interests of peace and harmony, through the efforts of the Organization of African Unity, based on a national reconciliation of all political elements in the Congo.
56. In regard to the situation in Cyprus, my Government urges that the independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus be respected by all States. It is particularly unfortunate that there has been interference from outside in matters that concern the internal affairs of Cyprus. This external interference, involving the threat or use of force, has disturbed the peace and stability of the region and made a solution even more difficult. As an equal Member of the United Nations, Cyprus is entitled to unrestricted and unfettered sovereignty and independence. The people of Cyprus is entitled to the right to determine their own future without foreign intervention or interference, in accordance with the right of self-determination enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
57. The problem of the divided countries should engage the earnest attention of the international community, The continuation of these artificial divisions, based on pressures of the cold war, is a major source of international tension. We earnestly hope that these divided nations will be able to achieve unity by peaceful methods, without interference or pressure from outside.
58. Disarmament is the crucial question of our time. The arms race constitutes a serious threat to peace and security and a wasteful burden on the economies of the Powers who are engaged in it. Resources which could be applied for the benefit of mankind continue to be poured into the manufacture of weapons which are a danger to the very existence of our civilization.
59. As a small nation, we can only appeal to the good sense of the great Powers to heed the universal wish of mankind that constructive steps be taken to ensure progress towards complete and universal disarmament. We have been encouraged by some of the constructive steps which have already been taken, particularly since the summer of 1963, indicating significant progress on the road towards disarmament. I refer here to the partial nuclear test ban treaty, the establishment of the direct communications link between Washington and Moscow, the agreement to ban nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction from outer space, the unilateral reductions -of military budgets by the Soviet Union and the United States, and the mutual cutbacks in production of fissionable materials by the Soviet Union, the United States and the United Kingdom. These measures were a promising start towards the goal of disarmament.
60. Unfortunately, this progress has not been sustained. The treaty banning nuclear tests has not been accepted by all the nuclear Powers. There has been no agreement among the principal signatory Powers to ban underground tests, though this would be the next logical step in a comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty. Progress is also necessary to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons.
61. In this connexion, we call on the great Powers to abstain from all policies conducive to the dissemination of nuclear weapons, urge all States to conclude non-dissemination agreements and to agree on measures for the liquidation of existing stockpiles of nuclear weapons. We also urge the convening of a world disarmament conference. We hope that urgent steps will be taken on these lilies, so that significant and constructive progress in disarmament will be made in the coming year.
62. Progress towards the reduction of international tensions and the promotion of peace are closely bound up with questions relating to military bases and the establishment of zones free of nuclear weapons.
63. On the question of military bases, my Government is particularly concerned about the establishment of such bases by colonial Powers in their dependent territories as a device to maintain their power and influence in those areas. The tendency is for these Powers to continue their hold on these bases, even after the dependent territories have achieved independence and against their express wishes. As a consequenoe, the freedom and independence of these new nations have been impaired and sources of tension and conflict have been created.
64. In regard to the concept of nuclear-free zones, we welcomed the declaration made at the first session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its meeting in Cairo in July 1964. One of the key points in that declaration was the concept of Africa as a nuclear-. free zone so as to eliminate from the African continent the hazards of nuclear war and nuclear contamination. We regard the declaration of the African continent as a nuclear-free zone as a first step towards a wider application of the concept of nuclear-free zones which would cover other areas and zones, particularly those that have hitherto been free of nuclear weapons. Our view was that this concept should be extended to cover not only land masses but oceans as well, for the limits of territorial waters were determined in pre-nuclear times according to the limited range of conventional maritime weapons.
65. My Government has already taken action to give effect to these principles. In order to restrict the proliferation of nuclear weapons to the Indian Ocean, we closed our ports and airfields to ships and aircraft which either carry nuclear weapons or are equipped for nuclear warfare. We felt that this action was a practical first step in the direction of ensuring that, at least, a large area of Asia would be free from the dangers of nuclear warfare. We also felt that, if this principle were to be adopted, not merely by individual countries unilaterally, but collectively by the non-aligned nations, to a large extent the continent of Africa, the Indian Ocean, and even possibly the South Atlantic would be free of nuclear weapons.
66. At the Second Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries held in Cairo in October, 1964, my Prime Minister accordingly made three proposals on this subject. The three proposals were: "(a) The concept of nuclear-free zones should be extended to cover areas and oceans that have hitherto been free of nuclear weapons; "(b) Ail non-aligned nations should take immediate action to close their ports and airfields to ships and aircraft carrying nuclear weapons or which are equipped to carry nuclear weapons; "(c) Colonial Powers should not only undertake to liquidate existing bases in colonial territories, but they should refrain from establishing in colonial territories new bases capable of being used for aggressive purposes." These three proposals were accepted unanimously by the non-aligned countries and incorporated in the Final Declaration of the Conference.
67. The racial policies of the Government of South Africa have been the subject of discussion here since the founding erf the United Nations. The General Assembly and the Security Council have passed numerous resolutions condemning these policies. Nation after nation has raised its voice in condemnation of apartheid in this forum and elsewhere, but nevertheless the Government of the Republic of South Africa has persisted in its policy of apartheid which we, too, unreservedly condemn.
68. In fact, in the recent past, these policies of racial, segregation have been intensified and measures to enforce them have been stepped up. Acts of repression against African nationalism can only make a solution more complicated, an understanding between the races more difficult, and the prospect for the future far less promising. This is indeed a great tragedy for South Africa, no less than for the African continent and the whole world.
69. We are sorry to note that the situation in South Africa has deteriorated considerably in recent months. The reports of the Special Committee have drawn attention to this worsening situation. Further measures have been taken against the non-white elements of the population; the country's military and police forces have been steadily built up; and laws upholding the policies of apartheid have been enforced without mitigation.
70. It is our earnest hope that the Government of the Republic of South Africa will cease its defiance of world opinion and abandon its policy of racial segregation. We trust that South Africa, in its own interest, will realize the dangers of its policies and seek a solution which will be acceptable to all its people and to the world community represented in the United Nations.
71. The United Nations should continue its efforts, despite the lack of response up to now, to guide South Africa on the correct path. This Organization should continue to explore every means to convince the Government of South Africa that it must cease its defiance of world opinion and abandon its policy of racial segregation.
72. I should now like to express the views of my Government on the situation in Rhodesia. We find there a situation which is full of tension and a source of danger to peace and security of the African continent. This situation has arisen because a racist minority of white settlers has chosen to pursue policies designed to ensure their domination over an overwhelming majority of indigenous African peoples. It is a most unrealistic attitude. It is surely a travesty of all the principles of justice, equality and freedom that a minority of 220,000 Whites should be in a position of privilege and dominance over an African population of 3 million. It is surely a travesty of the principles of democracy when we find this racist minority attempting to continue its domination by every conceivable means.
73. It is a great pity that the group now in power in Rhodesia has failed to recognize the new realities of Africa. The white settler government has so far turned a blind eye to the winds of change that have swept Africa in the last two decades. What has to be recognized is that these white settler minorities cannot expect to continue their domination and exploitation. It is surely common sense to recognize that these minorities can, and must, exist with the goodwill and-confidence of their African partners. Goodwill and confidence can be won only by genuine partnership. Unfortunately, the racist group now holding power, in Rhodesia has not shown this realism oi common sense. Its policies seem to be guided in a direction opposite to that which progress, common sense and the tide of events in Africa would dictate. This is indeed a great tragedy. These retrograde policies can only bring chaos, racial violence and a bitterness between White and African that will take a great deal of time to erase. The whole position of the white settlers in Rhodesia is perhaps being endangered by the short-sighted, futile and narrow policies of the group now in power.
74. We have consistently held the view that the United Kingdom has a special responsibility for exercising authority in the Rhodesian situation. The United Kingdom, as the metropolitan Power, is responsible for constitutional change and for progress in the march of its dependent territories towards independence. We trust that the United Kingdom will heed the resolutions of the United Nations in regard to the constitutional rights of the indigenous population.
75. We consider it desirable that the United Kingdom Government convene a constitutional conference to which all political groups in Rhodesia will be invited with a view to drafting a new constitution based on the principle of one man, one vote, universal suffrage and majority rule.
76. I should like to express our support for the attitude taken by the United Kingdom in the face of threats by the Rhodesian regime of a unilateral declaration of independence. My Government is fully in agreement with the United Kingdom Government that such a unilateral declaration would be unacceptable and that independence for Rhodesia must be in accordance with the wishes of all the peoples of that territory. We are for Rhodesian independence at as early a date as possible, but independence must be given on the basis of a constitution with equal rights for all. We hope that rapid progress will be made towards this goal.
77. The situation in the Indo-Chinese region, particularly in Viet-Nam, poses a grave danger to peace and security. As an Asian country, we are particularly anxious that a peaceful settlement should be found to the problems facing the countries of this region.
78. The danger to peace and security arises primarily from the interference of foreign Powers in the affairs of these countries. Internal dissensions and sources of friction in the area have been exploited by neocolonialist Powers in their attempt to continue or extend their influence. The Geneva Agreements of 1954 sought to insulate the region from the pressures of the cold war and to bring about stability and peace. Unfortunately, the provisions of the Geneva Agreements have not been respected.
79. In South Viet-Nam the situation has been aggravated by the introduction of foreign troops and massive military aid in an attempt to forge a solution by military means. There have even been reports of plans to extend the conflict through retaliatory measures against neighbouring countries. We consider any such attempt as dangerous in the extreme. The problems of South Viet-Nam are political in nature and there can be no lasting settlement except by political means. I wish in this connexion also to emphasize the fact that no lasting solution is possible in South Viet-Nam unless the legitimate aspirations of the Buddhists, who form 80 per cent of the population, are respected and satisfied. Attempts to impose a settlement by force should be discarded and the futility of continuing a war of suppression realized.
80. The alternative is a continuation of the civil war, involving further destruction and suffering, and posing the threat of an expansion of the conflict beyond the confines of Viet-Nam. No one who has the interests of the territory and people of Viet-Nam at heart, no one who is sincerely interested in the cause of peace, can accept such an alternative.
81. We do not raise our voices in a partisan spirit. As a non-aligned country, our aim is to steer clear of great Power groupings. We are concerned as Asians that our part of the world, no less than any other, should be free from dangerous conflicts. Our purpose is to insulate such conflicts from the pressures of the cold war and in Viet-Nam we see clearly the risks of such involvement unless a speedy and equitable solution is attained. Delay in arriving at a settlement only increases the risk of an escalation of the conflict with all its grave consequences to the world.
82. We repeat, therefore: let there be an end to the fighting; let there be a recognition that the problem is a political one, requiring a settlement by negotiation; let the Powers concerned return to the conference table with a view to implementing sincerely the terms of the Geneva Agreements of 1954. This is the only way out. We earnestly hope that the path of moderation and restraint will be followed before it is too late.
83. In the solution of the problems concerning South- East Asia, and indeed of all the major problems facing the world, the co-operation and active participation of the People’s Republic of China is essential. Unfortunately, these realities are ignored by certain Powers which, out of considerations arising from the politics of the cold war, prefer to ignore the existence of the People’s Republic of China and to deny it its rightful place in the councils of the world. This brings me to the question of restoring to the People’s Republic of China its lawful rights in the United Nations.
84. My Government recognized the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate Government of China. Many other States Members of the United Nations have taken the same position and their number is steadily increasing. The People's Republic of China is physically in control of the great land mass of the mainland of China; it has behind it the overwhelming support of the 700 million Chinese people who compose one fourth of the human race.
85. How can the United Nations be fully representative of mankind if one fourth of the human race has no voice in the councils of the world? Is this not a negation of the principle of universality to which this Organization is committed? Are we not shutting our eyes to the realities of the world situation as it exists if we impose barriers to just and equitable representation for a people who constitute a major segment of the human race, on grounds which appear to be based on power politics and pressures of the cold war? If we are interested in strengthening this Organization and in making it truly representative, I submit that we should, without further delay, accord the People's Republic of China its legitimate rights in the United Nations.
86. We know that the policies of the People's Republic of China are not palatable to certain Powers here and that its presence in this Organization might even be embarrassing to them. But this is not an Organization where some Members should be permitted to exclude others merely because they do not agree with their policies. This is an Organization which has been created to represent mankind, to represent all the countries of the world, irrespective of their political and social systems, so that they may collectively advance towards the common goal of peace and progress. We trust that the question of the representation of the People's Republic of China will be viewed in this spirit,
87. It was with very great interest that my Government participated in the deliberations of the historic United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which was hailed as one of the most important events since the establishment of the United Nations. We cannot truly say that we are satisfied with the results of that Conference or that we are convinced that the developed countries have shown themselves adequately prepared and ready to meet the challenge of our times. Nevertheless, it is our belief that they could not have been left unimpressed by the efforts of the seventy-five developing nations to demonstrate to them that the problems of the world are the common concern of the community of nations, and that there can be no stability and lasting peace in a world where the disparities between affluence and poverty are not only so marked but where the tendency is further to widen the gap in living standards between the developed and developing countries. This Conference gave expression to the aspirations of millions of men and women, more than two thirds of the world's population, for a richer and fuller life, the realization of which is now long overdue.
88. It must be appreciated that the decline in export earnings of the developing countries, the deterioration in terms of trade and the increasing burden of servicing debts are factors beyond the control of developing countries and lead to the frustration of their economic policies. We must, therefore, be dominated by a sense of urgency and take practical steps for accelerating an increasing flow of capital and for liberalizing trade relationships in favour of the developing countries.
89. As pointed out in the joint declaration of the developing countries—which forms the annex to General Assembly resolution 1897 (XVIII): "The fundamental trade problems of developing countries are well identified. What the world lacks today is, therefore, not the awareness of the problem, but the readiness to act."
90. While there was general agreement at the Conference on the need to assist the developing countries, there was much less agreement on the manner of doing it. Nevertheless, though a number of countries expressed reservations, yet there was a very wide measure of support for the principles which are to guide the future of international trade policy.
91. These principles represent a substantial advance on the traditional concepts of free trade which determined the recommendations that came out of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Employment held at Havana in 1947-1948. The principles which have now been formulated recognize very definitely the need for special assistance for the developing countries to expand their international trade and through this means to develop their economies. The principle that developed countries should not require reciprocity in trade liberalization measures from developing countries is also embodied in the recommendations of the Conference, and the developed countries have been called upon to avoid domestic policies that stimulate uneconomic production of primary products and thereby deprive developing countries of a fair share of the world market.
92. As regards the subject of new institutional arrangements, it must be said to the credit of the Conference that unanimity was reached with all groups of countries—the developing countries, the industrialized countries and the centrally planned countries — on account of the firm determination of most countries to resolve the deadlock which was reached at one stage on the question of new machinery. The Conference would have been a complete failure if it had not secured agreement on future institutional arrangements through which the work of the Conference could be continued.
93. In this connexion, the question of procedure has assumed considerable significance. My delegation welcomes the report of the Special Committee [A/5749 and Corr.l] designed to establish a process of conciliation within the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and supports the suggested draft text to replace paragraph 25 of the recommendation contained in annex A.V.1. of the Final Act. Our warmest thanks are due to the Special Committee for the efforts it has made to evolve a solution acceptable to all Members of the Assembly.
94. I also wish to refer briefly to another important item dealing with economic development, which is on our agenda. This is the proposed merger of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and the United Nations Special Fund in a United Nations Development Programme. My delegation supports the establishment of the United Nations Development Programme which, it is hoped, would not only include the best elements of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and the United Nations Special Fund, but would have an added strength of its own to pay appropriate attention to the work of the United Nations in the application of science and technology to development, to industrial expansion, to the exploitation of natural resources, and in the promotion of trade. It is noted with satisfaction that the proposed consolidation would be without prejudice to the consideration of the study of the practical steps to transform the Special Fund into a Capital Development Fund, in such a way as to include both pre-investment and investment activities.
95. In conclusion, I should like to express the satisfaction of my delegation at the spirit of accommodation displayed by the Powers concerned in agreeing to avoid a confrontation on the question of Article 19. We take this as an earnest of their sincere desire to uphold the interests of this Organization and to avoid any situation which would detract from its strength and effectiveness. We sincerely hope that the negotiations now in progress will lead to a solution that is acceptable to all, in the greater interests of this Organization. We, for our part, will co-operate fully in every endeavour made to strengthen this Organization, which is mankind’s major hope for a world order based on peace, justice and progress.