1. The Algerian delegation is taking part in the general debate after most of the problems confronting the world today have been dealt with at length by preceding speakers. Their statements have all shown clearly the abiding desire of peoples to live in peace, to avert the present threats to mankind and to ensure a better and more worthy future for the generations still to come. Behind this urgent aspiration, however, lies the anxiety of men who are troubled by uncertainty regarding the future and distressed by the present threats to their security.
2. Almost twenty years have elapsed since the proclamation of the United Nations Charter. Yet the world is still subject to great disturbances, notwithstanding the fact that, throughout this period, our Organization has directed its efforts towards finding a solution to the problem of maintaining international peace and security.
3. These efforts have not, of course, been in vain. They have made it possible to resolve crises which might have led to a general confrontation. On many occasions, they have helped to avert the spectre of war; they have assisted in the liberation of some nations which, now they are independent, are making their contribution to the common struggle for the well-being of mankind. Nevertheless, much still remains to be done; tension persists throughout most of the world; nations are still waging a fierce struggle to obtain their freedom; men are still suffering from oppression and see their, most elementary rights spurned and ignored; poverty, hunger, and disease are still rampant in vast areas of the world; ignorance is still the lot of the overwhelming majority of men; and, in addition to all these misfortunes, there hangs over us the threat of a nuclear war which would be fatal to mankind.
4. Now, as in the past, the problem of world peace is still governed, in practice, by the state of relations between the great Powers and by the relative size of their armaments.
5. For the young countries of Africa and Asia this problem still depends on ideological confrontations or on the still insatiable appetites of the imperialist Powers. The sources of conflict and bloodshed are now more often to be found in the relationships between great and small Powers. It is owing to this opposition of unequal forces and the fact that some countries claim a continuing tutelary right based on their own power, that shooting wars are started.
6. In this situation, there is now a growing awareness in the new nations which are striving to pursue a policy consistent only with the interests and aspiration of their peoples, a policy directed strictly towards the consolidation of national independence and towards economic development, freedom and peace. These countries believe that no State should act as an auxiliary to a great Power. They are convinced that no State should become involved in pacts which are contrary to the most obvious interests of its inhabitants or allow military bases to be established on its territory.
7. These young countries, of which Algeria is one, consider that the policy of non-alignment elaborated at Bandung, Belgrade and Cairo remains an effective instrument for the reorientation of economic relations towards progress, freedom and peace. Non-alignment, which implies a policy of independence in the face of appeals from the great Powers, must not be confused with a policy of dissimulation and constant acrobatics. Non-alignment cannot be synonymous with negative neutralism as expressed by manifesting a wish to remain a mere international onlooker.
8. For us, non-alignment means a policy of unremitting defence of certain fundamental principles, involving, in particular, a constant struggle against any attempt by one country to subordinate another. By keeping clear of bloc politics and by refusing to become accomplices in imperialistic operations, those who adhere to the concept of non-alignment will help in attaining universal co-operation based on equality without any political and ideological strings.
9. In this sense, the policy of non-alignment, to which we remain firmly attached, is an important contribution to the establishment of genuine peaceful coexistence and a fruitful and lasting peace. Peaceful coexistence between countries having different political and social systems has become a necessity of our time. It is a prime necessity for the establishment of peace in the world.
10. The balance of terror created by atomic weapons has made peaceful coexistence among the great Powers a historical necessity. The same does not hold true of relations between an economically strong State and a country which is not yet sufficiently developed economically and militarily for its own defence. It is an established fact that some Powers continue to see their relations with other countries in terms of economic domination and political pressure. The events in Cyprus, South-East Asia and the Congo, as well as the blockade of Cuba, are recent illustrations of this.
11. In a world where armed conflicts arise out of the relations between great Powers and small countries, the concept of peaceful coexistence must take on a wider and more universal meaning. If peace is our common goal and our greatest desire, it cannot, we think, result from the mere existence of peaceful relations or any "détente” which may be noted between the two great Powers. In Africa, shooting wars are being waged in Angola, Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea and the Congo, while in South Africa there are clear signs of a latent war.
12. Peace is one and indivisible. Colonialism and racial discrimination carry within them the seeds of bloody conflicts. There can be no peaceful coexistence and no peace as long as colonialism endures. True peaceful coexistence and a general peace inevitably require the total elimination of colonialism, neocolonialism and imperialism.
13. However, the economic imbalance between States creates conditions favourable to the development of neo-colonialism and a policy of intervention in the internal affairs of other States. The presence side by side of poverty and wealth constitutes one of the greatest threats to peace in the world. The economic development of the newly independent nations is suffering from the after-effects of colonial exploitation.
14. The former colonies have more often than not inherited an economic infrastructure which is inefficient and ill-suited to their particular needs. For the developed countries they are still a source of cheap raw materials and also a market for manufactured goods. The newly independent countries are part of an economic system which, in its present form, makes rich nations richer and poor nations still poorer. The widening gap between the two maintains and aggravates an imbalance which does not help in establishing the conditions for a just peace.
15. Human relations must be built on the principle of equality and on an awareness of the solidarity of men and nations. The fight against hunger, disease and ignorance concerns the international community as a whole and is a primary objective of the United Nations.
16. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development recognized this danger; this is a first positive step and should lead to the establishment of an international economic policy which will favour the development of economically weak countries and ensure a more equitable distribution of wealth. The Algerian delegation hopes that the recommendations of the Geneva Conference will be heeded and that the international machinery provided for in the Final Act will be set up without delay.
17. The policy of combating under-development requires the mobilization of powerful resources and considerable capital. However, these resources and capital would amount to only a very small fraction of what is now spent by the great Powers on the armaments race. The implementation of a sincere policy of peace and international "détente” would find the greatest stimulus in a combination of these two complementary measures: disarmament and efforts to overcome under-development. The Algerian delegation supports the suggestion that a proportion of the present armament budgets should be allocated for economic development. It is clear, nevertheless, that disarmament is still essential if mankind is to be freed from fear and insecurity.
18. Recent years have seen some slight progress in this direction, but much still remains to be done. Talks are continuing, but no positive conclusions are being reached. We believe, therefore, that it is essential to broaden the scope of the present negotiations by including in them all countries, for all have an equal interest in the solution of the problem. For this reason, we think that a world conference on disarmament might constitute a more realistic approach.
19. To free mankind from poverty and fear should be the goal of our Organization in its efforts directed against under-development and towards general disarmament. These objectives are consistent with the strengthening of international co-operation and the consolidation of world peace. Such action would be incomplete, however, if it did not at the same time aim at restoring man’s dignity and freedom.
20. The practice of racial discrimination is contrary to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and is an insult to human dignity. For racialism in all its forms to disappear, there must be a profound change in men’s minds and at the same time prejudice must be wiped out and all discriminatory legislation revised. Mankind cannot forget the horrors brought about in the recent past by the violence and brutality of unbridled racialism; that bloody episode is an indelible stain on human history. Unfortunately, it cannot be said today that the indignation aroused in the conscience of men has dealt a final blow to manifestations of that evil.
21. The policies of apartheid of the Republic of South Africa are a challenge to the whole of mankind. The United Nations has already given its attention to this problem. However, all the measures which it has taken come up against the obstacle created by the unco-operative attitude of certain countries and the obstinate refusal of the Pretoria Government to put an end to its policy of segregation. The repressive measures against Africans are even being intensified. The Algerian delegation wishes to draw the attention of all Member States to the gravity of this situation and to the responsibilities which we all bear.
22. A virtually similar situation exists in Southern Rhodesia, where a racist minority is planning to proclaim the independence of the country in conditions which would place the African inhabitants entirely at its mercy. Africa has warned the racist Government at Salisbury against taking any action designed to perpetuate the present situation. Any such action would meet with the vigorous resistance of all Africans.
23. The particular cases which I have just mentioned are not the only examples. My country, which waged a long war in order to recover its independence, cannot remain indifferent to the struggle for freedom being waged by the peoples still under colonial rule. In Angola, in Mozambique, in so-called Portuguese Guinea, the inhabitants are still under the yoke of oppression. The heroic struggle which they are waging commands our admiration. The Organization of African Unity has already taken a clear stand on this question and has taken measures to strengthen the liberation struggle in those countries.
24. However, this problem cannot be regarded as an African problem only. All countries, and the United Nations in particular, have a responsibility in the matter. We have repeatedly debated here the question of the Portuguese colonies, yet we are compelled to recognize that, for all our efforts, the problem has not been solved. However much we may wish to settle problems by peaceful means, we would be failing in our duty if we did not give our full support to peoples who have no choice but to resort to arms in order to assert their right to freedom.
25. At the southern end of the Arabian Peninsula another people is still waging a fierce struggle against British rule. The United Kingdom should reconsider its attitude with regard to that area and accede to the legitimate aspirations of the people concerned. By so doing it will only be complying with the resolutions adopted by the United Nations General Assembly.
26. The twentieth session of the General Assembly should mark the liberation of all peoples and the final disappearance of colonialism. Decolonization must be fully achieved, for not only does it establish freedom, it also paves the way for sound and honest co-operation. The co-operation between Algeria and France, which some thought impossible, provides a convincing demonstration of this.
27. Experience has shown, however, that even when independence is recognized it is not always respected. There is frequent interference by the great Powers in the internal affairs of the new States.
28. The measures taken against Cuba are a violation of the principle that each country should be free to choose its own form of government. They can in no way solve the present political problems and their continuation poses a lasting threat to peace. A more objective approach to the situation should lead to negotiations between Governments with a view to settling differences in a spirit of respect for the sovereignty and equality of States.
29. In South-East Asia, too, the situation is continuing to deteriorate as a result of foreign intervention. If the decisions of the Geneva Conference were effectively and honestly implemented, that would, in our view, create conditions favourable to the solution of these problems.
30. The African continent, having known colonial domination longer than the rest of the world, is particularly conscious of the world evolution towards freedom, social justice, economic development and peace.
31. The warm welcome given throughout Africa to the proclamation of the Charter signed at Addis Ababa and the attachment of all Africans to the Organization of African Unity must not conceal from us the difficulties, both internal and external, which that young organization is facing. African unity is as yet only an aspiration, but it is one which finds a deep and sincere echo among all the peoples of our continent. There is a growing consciousness of it and it is already showing itself to be a vital need; tomorrow it will be an inescapable reality. Despite the scepticism of some and the hostility of others, our faith in the future of a united, free and prosperous Africa remains unshaken.
32. My delegation is proud that the Presidency of the General Assembly for this session has been entrusted to an African. It takes this opportunity, Mr. President, to extend to you its warmest congratulations. Your election is a fitting tribute to your personal qualities, to the persistence you have always shown in your work in this great Organization, and to your experience in international affairs. In entrusting to you the Presidency of the Assembly, the representatives of the States Members of the United Nations have paid a well-deserved tribute to Ghana, a country for which we have particularly fraternal feelings. Through you, Africa as a whole is honoured by this token of confidence and esteem.
33. The Algerian delegation also congratulates the States of Malawi, Zambia and Malta, which have just taken their places among us. Their efforts will strengthen our common struggle for peace.
34. The African continent's slow and difficult advance towards independence has not yet been completed. Africa is still exposed to the manoeuvres and interventions of foreign Powers which have not lost their interest in exploiting its riches, making use of its strategic possibilities and maintaining spheres of political influence.
35. The Organization of African Unity has vigorously denounced such interventions, which are aimed at perpetuating a state of subjugation that the Africans have resolved to terminate once and for all. The establishment of the Organization of African Unity reflects this desire of the African countries to maintain their independence and to make their solidarity the primary guarantee of their freedom,
36. In this Africa which is striving to find itself, certain States may have felt that despite the elimination of colonialism, their territorial integrity 'was not respected when their national sovereignty was restored. Their claims against both countries — claims quite rightly rejected by their neighbours — have inevitably contained the germs of fratricidal strife. There is surely no need to repeat here the arguments put forth by both sides in support of diametrically opposed positions.
37. The African States, in their desire to eliminate factitious obstacles and imaginary prerequisites to African unity and to create the material conditions in which our continent's economic development and the consolidation of its independence can take place, have decided to proclaim as an inviolable principle respect for the frontiers inherited from the colonial system. Because this principle meets in a realistic manner the requirements of brotherhood, mutual respect and good-neighbourliness, it was adopted as one of the principles of peaceful coexistence by the non-aligned States at the recent Cairo Conference.
38. The patience and generosity of our peoples, who set no conditions to their unity, are matched only by our trust in our partners and our sincere desire for real, far-reaching, honest and unselfish co-operation, reflecting the mutually complementary nature of the different parts of Africa. The building of a united Maghreb, within the framework of respect for the charters which we have signed, is becoming an increasingly inevitable and inspiring reality. In striving to attain this goal we are but heeding an imperative demand of our peoples, who, today as yesterday, have unanimous faith in their common destiny.
39. In obedience to the same demands, the African peoples are following with particular interest the development of the situation in the Congo and are sparing no effort to find an African solution to this problem. They realize that the complexity of this particularly distressing question is primarily due to factors which are part of the legacy of the past. However there can be no doubt that imperialist intervention has aggravated the situation. The aggression against the people of the Congo places a heavy burden of responsibility on those who perpetrated it. So long as those aggressors do not fully realize the seriousness of what they are doing, relations between Africa and a world which only yesterday was stifling that continent are likely to be of an artificial nature.
40. The Congo problem is essentially an African problem, the complete and final solution to which must be found by the Congolese people and by them alone. The Organization of African Unity must therefore be given the support of all countries devoted to peace—and freedom — in its efforts to further the establishment of peace in the Congo within the framework of national reconciliation, effective independence and the unity of the people and the territory.
41. Among those deprived of their essential rights the Palestinian people warrant special attention. Arbitrarily ousted from their fatherland, they are leading a miserable existence on the frontiers of their country. The Arab world was affected first of all by the Palestine problem probably because the Palestinian people are Arabs and above all because the establishment of Israel introduced into the Middle East a source of trouble and a constant threat to the Arab countries. It would be erroneous to conclude from this that the problem is a racial or religious one. If anti-Semitism exists, it is not in the Arab countries that it will be found.
42. The Palestine problem is a political problem because it poses a constant threat to international security and because it is essentially a colonial problem. Algeria feels as strongly about the racial tragedy of the people of South Africa as it does about that of the Palestinian people. While the Palestine problem is, because of its nature, of particular importance to the Arab world, its dimensions are such that it concerns the whole community of nations.
43. Our active siding with the Palestinian people may thus be compared only to our resolute commitment to the peoples of South Africa, Angola and Mozambique and to all those who are fighting for the freedom and dignity of mankind.
44. The Palestinian people rightly refuse to bow to a situation imposed on them by force. Like the peoples which are fighting for national liberation, they have organized their struggle, notably by setting up the Palestine Liberation Organization.
45. The most recent Conference of the non-aligned countries expressed its support for the Palestinian people and took a clear stand in favour of their right of self-determination. My Government, faithful to the principle of opposing colonialism and racial segregation in all its forms, will spare no effort to uphold and support the just cause of the Palestinian people.
46. Now that continents are guided by the same ideals, now that they are waging the same struggle, they can no longer be set one against another. It is in this new context that we are confidently witnessing the advent of a union of two regions, Africa and the Middle East, and hailing the co-operation between two organizations - the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States. United by common goals, they have joined in a common effort to overthrow colonialism in all its forms.
47. The co-operation between these organizations gives an even clearer meaning to African-Asian solidarity. The African-Asian countries are faced with problems which are peculiarly inherent in their common destiny. In the diversity of their experiences they find today, not .an element of discord, but a factor of mutual enrichment. Ten years will have elapsed between the holding of the first and the second African- Asian conferences. The second one will provide the participating States with a further opportunity for a salutory exchange of views with the aim of making a joint contribution to the solution of international problems — a contribution which will be more dynamic as well as more in keeping with and better adapted to current realities.
48. In a constantly evolving world, this decade reveals the extent of the changes which have occurred and of the transformations in international relations. The road travelled in that interval by the peoples of the developing countries shows very clearly their growing role in the settlement of international affairs.
49. The Geneva Conference on Trade and Development has shown us that the community of interests of the developing countries opens up more definite prospects for the broadening of African-Asian solidarity to include the Latin-American countries. That community of interests will unquestionably lead to an even greater solidarity among these three continents, a solidarity which is bound to make an important contribution to the development of international relations in the direction of peace and progress.
50. The United Nations faces a crisis which could prove most grave indeed if all those of goodwill do not unite in order to solve it. No one can deny the existence of financial difficulties at the present time. They are monopolizing the attention of all delegations. It is our view, however, that the origin of this state of affairs is to be found in a political problem which transcends both legal and financial considerations.
51. We are now confronted with difficulties which stem from the changes which have been taking place in international life during the past twenty years. The conception of the United Nations as it was established in 1945 on the basis of a particular international situation seems no longer appropriate to the political situation existing today. There is a clear contradiction between the state of international relations, for which it is desired to set up machinery, and the accelerated evolution of the world in a direction which was not anticipated at the end of the Second World War.
52. The accession of many States to independence, the development of East-West relations, the steadily increasing strength of the principles of non-alignment, the developing countries' realization of their solidarity — all these factors have created a situation for which the present structure and machinery of the United Nations are not suited.
53. Is there any need for me to mention the contradiction between the principle of equality of States and the rules and usages which distort it? Need I mention the contradiction between the fundamental concept of collective responsibility of the maintenance of peace and the present machinery which prevents the greater part of mankind from sharing that responsibility in its most important aspects?
54. In these circumstances, to confine ourselves to solving the financial issue would be to ignore the real problem and would aggravate the crisis with which we are confronted. If we merely treat the symptoms while allowing the malady to spread, we will be moving rapidly towards the extinction of our hopes.
55. The recent withdrawal of the Republic of Indonesia from the Organization can be fully understood only as it relates to the various aspects of the United Nations crisis. Only by becoming aware of these problems and resolutely seeking the solutions which will bring most benefit to mankind can we prevent conflict and disillusionment. To deplore the decision of the Indonesian Government without examining the reasons underlying it and, above all, the lesson to be drawn from it, would be to fail to recognize the true nature of the problems at hand.
56. Similarly, the exclusion of the People's Republic of China is of particular concern to us. Common sense, realism and the obvious interest of all mankind demand the active participation of that great Power in international organizations. The Algerian delegation believes that the United Nations would strengthen its authority and consolidate its prestige if it put an end to a situation which keeps a large part of the world's population outside the international community.
57. It is high time that we adjusted our institutions to the existing realities if we wish to establish genuinely sound international relations and contribute to the strengthening of world peace.
58. Algeria, for its part, is deeply attached to peace and to international co-operation. It wishes to make its modest contribution to the United Nations’ effort to build a better world. Like all countries aspiring to advance along the path , of progress and justice, Algeria offers its friendship to all peoples, without rancour, without prejudice and without reservation.
59. We believe the United Nations can and must be the instrumentality through which we will act. We hope that it will rapidly overcome its difficulties and that, sustained by the confidence of all its Members, rejuvenated and reinforced by a better form of organization, it may fulfill the hopes placed in it by all peoples. I shall conclude with this expression of faith in the future of our Organization and of mankind. I thank you for your kind attention.