75. Mr. President, it affords great satisfaction to my delegation that a distinguished son of Africa has been chosen to preside over the proceedings of this session of the General Assembly. Your election to the high office of President bespeaks the growing stature of Africa in the community of nations. I take this opportunity to extend to you, Mr. President, my delegation's congratulations and good wishes.
76. Also on behalf of my delegation, I wish to express to Mr. Sosa Rodriguez of Venezuela my deep appreciation of the great wisdom, impartiality and inspiring leadership with which he presided over the General Assembly at its eighteenth session.
77. We live in an age of momentous changes in the history of human affairs. Advance in science and technology has immeasurably enhanced man's capabilities for good or for evil. While there are those who are striving to build a saner, safer and happier world in which to live, there are also those who do not hesitate to work for the world's total destruction. It is up to us Members of the United Nations to make a wise choice, and to see to it that the forces of evil shall not prevail.
78. After the Second World War, there occurred a number of events of historic importance in the community of nations. One of these was the awakening of the peoples of Asia, Africa and other areas of the world. Hundreds of millions of people have emerged from colonial rule and freely formed themselves into new independent States which now exercise considerable influence in the United Nations. Another event of equal importance was the fall of the Chinese mainland, and with it the complete loss of freedom of one-fifth of the world's population, under the tyranny of the Chinese Communist regime. Thus, while some 600 million people in Asia and Africa have gained freedom and independence, an approximately equal number of people have fallen under slavery. The Chinese Communist regime, which was brought into being by the aggressive forces of international Communism, has for its ultimate aim the domination of the whole world. It has been ceaselessly pursuing, by various tactics, acts of overt or covert aggression throughout the world.
79. In the post-war years, colonialism in its traditional form has undergone an evolutionary process of dissolution which is still continuing. Those old colonial Powers which are cognizant of the irresistible tides of the times have accepted the demands of the colonial peoples for self-rule and independence. The role played by the United Nations in encouraging and assisting the transformation of colonies from dependence to freedom is one of which we can all be proud, and the success it has achieved deserves our tribute. In general, it can be said that the liquidation of old-style colonialism has now reached its final phase, and that the remaining issues should be speedily and peacefully resolved in accordance with the principle of self-determination.
80. While the United Nations has the bounden duty to help all peoples who aspire to independence and freedom in achieving their goal, it has, I submit, an even greater responsibility to preserve and protect the independence and freedom of those who have already won them.
81. At a time when we are witnessing the gradual disappearance of the old colonialism, it is ironic that the forces of international Communism should be seeking to exploit the difficulties of the new independent States for the purpose of turning these countries into colonies of Communist imperialism.
82. The United Nations has for its purpose the establishment of a community of free and independent States acting together in the interest of peace, security, social progress and a better standard of life for all mankind. The Communists, however, share none of these aspirations, and pursue a totally different objective. They subvert independence and freedom. They aim at the creation of totalitarian regimes wherever and whenever it is possible for them to do so.
83. To this end, every resource of their propaganda is put to use to whip up discontent, to incite to violence, and to undermine all existing institutions. They promise abundance to the suffering and impoverished masses, and conjure up a future in which liberty and democracy will flourish and every man and woman will have a glorious role to play. But once in the saddle of power, all promises are forgotten; all opposition, all contrary opinions are ruthlessly stamped out and a reign of terror is imposed. Their real objective is to replace the old colonialism of the Western Powers with the new colonialism of the Communist variety, and to convert the non-Communist world into a vast colony of Communist imperialism.
84. Although there is now a rift between Moscow and Peiping, it must be remembered that their quarrel is not over the basic aim of world conquest, on which both are in agreement, but rather over the question of who is to lead this drive and which method is to be used to accomplish it. By their struggle for leadership, Moscow and Peiping have confessed their identity of purpose and thus laid bare their insidious ambition for world domination, whether this is to be achieved by violence or by other means. Meanwhile, the Chinese Communist regime for its part is hoisting high the banner of open bellicosity and has embarked upon many acts of subversion and aggression in Asia, Africa and other areas. This poses the greatest threat to the new and independent States of the world. It therefore behooves me, as the representative of China, to expose before this Assembly the intrigues of the Chinese Communists and to offer the lessons of our struggle against Communism as a warning to all potential victims of such aggression.
85. For more than a century, China suffered many forms of unjustice and humiliation under the old-style imperialism. The struggle of the Chinese people for freedom and independence was led by the Kuomintang, founded by the late Father of the Republic, Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Because of the lack of appeal of Communism as an ideology in China, the Chinese Communists deemed it necessary to join some other political force which already enjoyed a large following. They found such a force in the Kuomintang, into which they infiltrated in the name of forging unity in resisting imperialism. During the various periods of its feigned co-operation with the Kuomintang, the Chinese Communist Party was all the time secretly developing its organization and expanding its own armed forces for the purpose of converting the national revolution into a Communist revolution. In the course of the Second World War, while the National Government of China was devoting its full attention to engaging the enemy, the Chinese Communists insidiously widened their areas of control.
86. Thus, following the war, they were able to subvert the constituted government and to set up a Communist dictatorial regime under the guise of the so-called "democratic revolution". The Chinese Communists are now urging the same tactic upon the Communist parties in Asia and Africa in the prosecution of subversive activities in their respective countries.
87. The Chinese Communists worship force. Mao Tse-tung's slogan — "Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun" — has been adopted into the Communist scriptures. According to Mao Tse-tung: "Violent revolution is a universal law of [proletarian] revolution". Mao explains his theory in this way: "The seizure of power by armed force, the settlement of issues by war, is the central task and the highest form of revolution. This Marxist-Leninist principle of revolution holds good universally, for China and for all other countries." Mao concludes: "It is only by the power of the gun that the working class and labouring masses can defeat the armed bourgeoisie and landlords; ... only with guns can the whole world be transformed." Mao is firmly opposed to the idea of peaceful transition, which he regards as "betrayal of Marxist- Leninism" and "betrayal of the proletariat".
88. The above-mentioned statements by Mao Tse-tung will serve to explain why the Chinese Communists were engaged in protracted armed rebellion on the Chinese mainland and why, shortly after the creation of the Peiping regime, they mobilized a million troops to launch aggression against the Republic of Korea and fought the United Nations forces for three years. They also explain why the Chinese Communists have encouraged and supported the Communist rebels in Viet-Nam and Laos, and why they have sent their guerrilla warfare experts to Africa and other areas to organize the local Communists for guerrilla war activities. Thus, in their plot of aggression and expansion in Asia, Africa and other areas, an important device of the Chinese Communists is to instigate the overthrow of the legally constituted governments by giving money and weapons to local armed Communists to help them intimidate the masses into joining their rebellion.
89. it is popular these days to chant the slogan of "peaceful coexistence". The Chinese Communists, however, are unalterably against peaceful coexistence. They believe in the inevitability of war. They are of the opinion that only after the victory of the proletarian revolution can there be any possibility or need of peaceful coexistence. It is their conviction that peaceful coexistence cannot take the place of the revolutionary struggle of the world's Communist parties. In their view, the policy of peaceful coexistence before the completion of world revolution is a policy of betrayal and surrender.
90. According to the Soviet Government organ Izvestia of 21 September 1963, Mao Tse-tung told the Moscow Conference of the world's Communist parties: "If we fight, atomic and hydrogen weapons will be used. Personally, I think that in the entire world there will be such suffering that a half of humanity, and perhaps even more than a half, will perish ... "If a half of humanity were destroyed, the other half would still remain, but imperialism would be destroyed entirely and there would be only socialism in all the world, and within half a century or a whole century the population would again increase by more than a half."
91. The substance of this pronouncement had appeared in April 1960 in an article entitled "Long Live Leninism" in Red Flag—a theoretical organ of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee—in which the Communist leadership declared that, in the event of nuclear war, the sacrifice of the people of the world would be rewarded, because "... on the ruins of imperialism, the victorious peoples would create with tremendous speed a civilization a thousand times higher than that under the capitalist system, and build a truly beautiful future for themselves." Such is the extent of the war-like fanaticism of the Chinese Communists.
92. It may be argued that the Chinese Communists do not totally reject the idea of "peaceful coexistence", since they at one time adopted the propaganda line of "peaceful coexistence" vis-a-vis the neighbouring countries in Asia. It is said that in 1954 Chou En-lai even signed with India "the five principles of peaceful coexistence" which were subsequently adopted by the Bandung Conference. However, the true meaning of "peaceful coexistence" as advocated by the Chinese Communists is to be found in Mao Tse-tung's theory of "twin strategy", that is to say, the alternate use of the "strategy of peace" and the "strategy of war", as circumstances dictate.
93. According to this theory, war and peace are two sides of the same coin, and peace is only another form of warfare, a form of strategy, subordinate to the needs of war. The Chinese Communists know that they cannot eliminate their enemies all at once, and that war should be prosecuted in several stages and won by the tactic of defeating one enemy at a time. Consequently, when they are pressing attacks on their immediate enemy, they use "peaceful coexistence" to deceive and neutralize their next enemy, so that the latter will not be united with the former against the Communists. When the time comes for the Communists to deal with the next enemy, the idea of . "peaceful coexistence" will have lost all relevance.
94. Moreover, the countries which accept the Chinese Communist version of "peaceful coexistence" will, in the first place, have to deny co-operation with those countries which are the Communists' targets of attack and, in the second place, to acquiesce in the. Communists' expansionist activities abroad. They will also have to refrain from interfering with Communist infiltration and subversive activities in their own lands, so as to demonstrate their goodwill and friendliness towards the Communists. Failure to do so will be branded by the Communists as having violated the spirit of "peaceful coexistence", and can be used as a pretext for initiating aggression by the Communists. Thus, "peaceful coexistence" as practised by the Chinese Communists is a policy to divide the enemy and a device for cheap conquests. The signing of the "five principles of peaceful coexistence" between India and the Chinese Communists did not prevent the latter from launching military attacks against India.
95. At present there are countries which still have the illusion that they can coexist with the Chinese Communists. To some of them, the Chinese Communists have extended economic aid which is alleged to be without any political conditions attached. Nothing is further from the truth. As we know, the economy of the Chinese mainland is bordering on bankruptcy after the ravages wrought by the Chinese Communist triple policy of "the general line", "the great leap forward", and "the people's commune", and after several consecutive years of natural disasters.
96. For years, the people on mainland China have been languishing under Communist tyranny. They are struggling to survive on the brink of starvation. Yet in spite of the starvation and other privations of the people, the Chinese Communists have embarked upon a programme of foreign aid with reckless abandon. Let us ask: in such circumstances is the economic aid by the Chinese Communists given unselfishly and devoid of any ulterior motive?
97. The answer may be found in an article entitled "Apologists of Neo-colonialism", published in the nineteenth issue of Red Flag in October 1963, in which the blueprint for a Communist take-over in Asia, Africa and Latin America was spelled out clearly and in some detail. The article says: "The various types of contradictions in the contemporary world are concentrated in the vast areas of Asia, Africa and Latin America; these are the most vulnerable areas under imperialist rule and the storm centres of world revolution dealing direct blows at imperialism." It further says: "The national democratic revolution in these areas is an important component of the contemporary proletarian world revolution." And again: "History has entrusted to the proletarian parties in these areas (Asia, Africa and Latin America) the glorious mission of holding high the banner of struggle against imperialism, against old and new colonialism, and for national independence and people's democracy, of standing in the forefront of the national democratic revolutionary movement and striving for a socialist future." It continues: "In the national liberation movement, the proletariat must seize the leadership and must at the same time establish a mass-based anti-imperialist united front. In order to consolidate and expand this united front, it is necessary that the proletarian party should maintain its ideological political and organizational independence, and insist on the leadership of the revolution."
98. Such is the political motivation of the economic foreign aid policy of the Chinese Communists. The Chinese Communists give economic aid only to spread the seeds of revolution in the free countries of Asia, Africa and other areas, using the Chinese mainland as the base of operations. The investment thus made is looked upon as the "seed money" of revolution. By making inroads into these countries, the Chinese Communists will be in a position to achieve their real purpose of conspiring with the local Communist parties for the overthrow of their respective legitimate governments.
99. Although the Chinese Communists are already pressing hard towards the under-developed areas, it is to be regretted that there are countries which continue to hold the view that the expansion of Communism in those areas has not yet posed a serious threat to their national security. This type of thinking, I am afraid, will redound to the advantage of the Communists, and impair the unity of the free world.
100. As a matter of fact, all free countries are regarded by the Chinese Communists as their enemies, and have been listed on their agenda of conquest. One of the basic strategic concepts expounded by Mao Tse-tung is that it is necessary, first, to capture the weakly defended rural areas in order to cut off their contact with the metropolitan areas. When the latter are thus encircled, resulting in economic dislocation and stagnation, they will collapse of their own weight and can be take without a fight. This was the strategy used by the Chinese Communists in their armed rebellion, which resulted in their occupation of the mainland of China. In the eyes of the Chinese Communists, the less developed parts of Asia, Africa and elsewhere are the rural areas, while the highly industrialized areas in Western Europe and North America are the metropolis of the world. If the Chinese Communists can control and dominate the vast territories of the world's rural areas, they will be able to isolate the above-mentioned metropolis formed by the industrialized nations.
101. Behind all that is happening and will happen in Asia looms the spectre of the Chinese Communist regime on the mainland. As early as November 1949, Liu Shao-chi, the chief theoretician of the Chinese Communist Party, told the Communist-sponsored Trade Union Conference of Asian and Australasian countries in Peiping that in furthering "liberation struggles" in that region, "armed struggles" should be carried out in the rural areas while "in the enemy-controlled cities and areas, either legal or illegal mass struggles should be conducted to co-ordinate with the guerrilla warfare in the rural districts".
102. This blueprint of strategy for the "liberation struggles" and for the Communist take-over of this area has, in fact, already been translated into action in Viet-Nam and Laos, both of which are victims of naked Communist aggression. The peoples of these two countries suffered grievous losses because they refused to cower before the aggressor and are determined to defend their freedom and independence. All who cherish freedom for themselves should extend their sympathy and support to the brave and innocent peoples of Viet-Nam and Laos, and must not allow them to lose their freedom and independence. To let them go down in defeat will pave the way for the communization of the whole of South-East Asia.
103. It is not surprising that a regime which believes that "only with guns can the whole world be transformed" is firmly opposed to disarmament. The fanatic attempt of the Chinese Communists to develop nuclear weapons, in contemptuous disregard of world opinion and with callous indifference to the suffering of the Chinese people, can only be explained by one motivation: the realization of the dream of Communist neo-imperialism. This is a crime against the people of China and a challenge to the peace-loving peoples of the world. It calls for the strongest condemnation by the United Nations.
104. The Republic of China, which I have the honour to represent, is irrevocably dedicated to the task of restoring freedom to the Chinese people on the mainland, and thereby safeguarding the peace of the world. We know that the task is not an easy one, and the road ahead is full of hazards. We know, also, that both our will and our capacity for sacrifices will be tested. The cost of freedom is always high, and no sacrifice is too great. We are confident that the Chinese people on the mainland are with us as we are with them. They look forward to the day when they will be free again, free to think, free to speak and act, free to till their land and reap the harvest of their labour, free from fear, from coercion and regimentation. In the history of China, the people rose many times to overthrow the tyrants who had destroyed their freedom. They will no doubt rise again.
105. In fighting for the freedom of the Chinese people, we are fighting also for the freedom of all Asia and, indeed, of the whole world. If we succeed— and succeed we must—we will have made a great contribution to the cause of world peace.
106. I wish to reiterate here, as we have stressed before, that, in carrying out this historic mission, the Government and the people of the Republic of China do not seek any assistance from the United Nations. What we do ask of the United Nations is that it not go out of its way to recognize the fruits of aggression by the Chinese Communists and admit them into this Organization as the representatives of the Chinese people.
107. At this point, I cannot refrain from bringing up a fundamental problem: that is, if we need the United Nations, if we want it to carry out its purposes and principles, then we must preserve and protect the dignity and integrity of the Charter. The United Nations was created to maintain international peace and security. It must have a consistent body of moral and legal principles which are applicable at all times and in all circumstances. It must have a definite and definable standard of right and wrong which cannot be compromised. Yet we cannot help feeling disappointed at the existence of certain situations in the Organization.
108. For instance, the Republic of Korea was established under the auspices of the United Nations; but because of the consistent refusal of the Communist aggressors to allow the Korean people to express their free will, the resolutions for the unification of Korea passed by the United Nations year after year have become an empty gesture.
109. Again, while the Charter enjoins us to respect the right of freedom and independence, it is deplorable that Indonesia should openly vow to destroy the existence of a neighbouring country, Malaysia, which was created by the free will of its people, and should send armed contingents to invade the territory of that neighbouring country. We regret that the United Nations was prevented from taking just action in this matter by the Soviet veto in the Security Council.
110. This session of the Assembly has been, in the past few weeks, in a state of virtual paralysis with regard to all its activities except the general debate. This has been brought about by the dispute arising out of the question of the application of Article 19 of the Charter. From a juridical point of view, the language of Article 19 is quite clear and should not give rise to any dispute on its applicability. But, owing to the refusal of one intransigent big Power to observe the Charter, we are left to cast about for a compromise as an expediency. If Article 19 can be allowed to be ignored, so can other provisions of the Charter. If a powerful Member of the United Nations has done violence to the Charter and can get away with it, what is there to be said for law and justice under the aegis of the United Nations?
111. The Republic of China is a founding Member of the United Nations and has faithfully and consistently carried out all its obligations under the Charter. Let us admit that there is a grave crisis facing the United Nations. The reason for this crisis is that too often the principles of the Charter are compromised by yielding to force, by disregard of justice, or by contempt of human rights. If we are really interested in strengthening the United Nations, we must rededicate ourselves to the fundamental principles upon which it was founded twenty years ago at San Francisco, and we must return to the task of building a new world as originally envisaged by the framers of the Charter — a world of peace based on justice and law. Let us imbue the United Nations with a new courage and a new vigour to abide by those fundamental principles, and let us endow it with that spiritual and moral strength which alone can meet the grave challenges of our time and accomplish the noble ends of our resolve.