27. Mr. President, it is my pleasant duty to convey to you the sincere congratulations of the Bulgarian delegation on your election to the office of President of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly and to wish you success in your task. The unanimous decision of the Assembly by which you have been elected to this office is an eloquent tribute to your talent and experience; it is a tribute to your country's contribution to the struggle against colonialism; and it is a tribute to the important role of the African peoples in the solution of the major problems of our day.
28. You were quite right in saying in your inaugural address [1286th meeting] that fifteen or twenty years ago the election of a representative of black Africa would have been unthinkable. Colonialism and imperialism would never have permitted such an election. Today it is simply another step forward. Your election reflects the profound changes that have taken place in the world, and consequently within the United Nations, thanks to the struggle of the forces of freedom and social progress, among which the African peoples occupy an important position.
29. Your task will not be an easy one. You have to take over the Presidency of this session in very complex circumstances. We remember all the fresh hopes which the signature of the Moscow Treaty and the subsequent steps to relax international tension aroused. Those measures were an auspicious start towards improving the international situation and reaching agreement on other matters of concern to the world. The peoples hoped that all nations would continue their efforts in that direction in order to achieve a complete ban on nuclear testing, general and complete disarmament and the final liquidation of colonialism.
30. While not underrating the importance of the results already achieved in the matter, we cannot ignore the fact that the prospects for an improvement in international relations do not seem to have been to the liking of certain circles and Powers. Instead of seeing swifter progress made in disarmament negotiations, we are compelled to note with regret the negative and sterile stand taken by the Western countries. Instead of making constant efforts to lessen international tension and speed up the process of decolonization, certain States have gone on creating hotbeds of trouble in the Mediterranean region and the Caribbean, in South-East Asia and in Africa, and helping the most brutal of the colonial oppressors and their puppets.
31. These facts have given rise to legitimate anxiety, which the United Nations cannot fail to reflect. It is the bounden duty of the United Nations to give fresh impetus to all proposals directed towards a solution of world problems. It is the duty of all delegations to help in this task, in accordance with the noble principles set forth in the United Nations Charter.
32. Bulgaria, for its part, has always been ready to make its contribution, modest though it may be, to the consolidation of the United Nations in order that all the possibilities for safeguarding peace and international co-operation may be effectively used. Our country is always ready to develop its relations with any State, regardless of its social system, on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence.
33. For obvious reasons, Bulgaria has always directed its main efforts in foreign policy towards the transformation of the Balkans into an area of peace and economic and cultural co-operation, to the mutual advantage of all the Balkan countries.
34. This policy has had considerable success over the past year. Thanks, to the combined efforts of the Greek and Bulgarian Governments, a great number of agreements have been signed between the two countries in almost every field of economic and cultural, relations. Lasting conditions have thus been created for the development of relations between our two peoples. We are convinced that the establishment of normal relations between Bulgaria and Greece is an important factor for mutual trust and security in the Balkans. It will be a further contribution to the relaxation of tension in South-East Europe and will thus open up new possibilities for the solution of other problems, in accordance with the wishes of all the Balkan peoples.
35. In pursuit of this policy of reducing tension in the Balkans, Bulgaria is continuing its efforts to improve relations with Turkey. Recently the Turkish Government seemed to be showing greater interest in the settlement of the questions outstanding between our two countries. We welcome this development and reaffirm our readiness to respond in the same spirit of co-operation to any constructive step leading to the establishment of genuine relations of good-neighbourliness.
36. In the past the Balkan countries have all too often been used as pawns in the play of interests of the imperialist Powers. Certain Western Powers are still interfering in the Balkan region. The events in Cyprus are evidence of this. If there had been no imperialist interference in the domestic affairs of the young Republic and if NATO had not been determined to use this island as a military base, Cyprus would have ceased long since to be a centre of tension in the Balkan and Mediterranean region. The Cyprus question can be settled by peaceful means if all States respect the national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus.
37. Bulgaria has always considered the rapid conclusion of a treaty on general and complete disarmament to be the primary task of all States. Only general and complete disarmament can give the policy of peaceful coexistence real meaning and guarantee favourable conditions for economic competition between countries with different social systems.
38. Our country has never had any illusions about the difficulties inherent in reaching any final agreement on disarmament. But when an organ set up by the United Nations is unable to achieve any concrete result, after a year of negotiations and in spite of the specific resolutions on which its work was based, we are entitled to ask where the responsibility lies.
39. In the introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization [A/5801/Add.l], the Secretary-General has described the elimination of nuclear delivery vehicles as the "key issue of general and complete disarmament". In order to make it easier to settle this key issue, and taking into account suggestions made by the non-aligned countries, the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries have taken numerous steps to meet the ideas and proposals of the Western Powers half way. In spite of their firm conviction that the destruction of all delivery vehicles at the very outset of the disarmament process is still the most effective means of eliminating swiftly the danger of atomic war, the socialist delegations have agreed to the preservation of the "nuclear umbrella" until the disarmament process has been completed. They have taken similar steps with regard to a number of other factors of general and complete disarmament, in particular the question of conventional weapons, armed forces and the length of each stage provided for in the treaty.
40. Much to our regret, the Western Powers were unwilling to follow the same path. They have repeatedly accused the socialist countries of lacking a spirit of conciliation and of blocking the progress of the negotiations on disarmament. Yet even a superficial balance-sheet of the negotiations at Geneva — and, if I remember rightly, one of the allies of the United States tried to draw up one which was not at all to that country’s liking — shows clearly that it is not the socialist countries but the United States and its allies which have not shown a spirit of conciliation. In fact, when the socialist countries took substantial steps towards reconciling the points of view of both parties, the Geneva negotiations made no progress. We may well ask ourselves if we should not seek the reasons for this in their true source, namely in the unwillingness of certain Western Governments to see general and complete disarmament actually put into effect.
41. Similarly, it is this intransigent stand taken by the Western countries that accounts for the meagre progress achieved by the Eighteen-Nation Committee in the matter of collateral measures. Yet most of these measures have been receiving increasing support, both at the Geneva Conference and in the General Assembly.
42. A fresh effort has just been made to extricate this question from the impasse to which the Western Powers have brought it. The Soviet Union Government has submitted a memorandum [A/5827] suggesting measures to lessen international tension and restrict the arms race. We consider this document to be an important factor for the future progress of negotiations at Geneva.
43. The Bulgarian Government has already taken a concrete and constructive stand on all these questions. Our delegation will have occasion to consider some of them in greater detail at a later stage but it would like at this point to dwell on two of the collateral measures which are of particular importance.
44. The first is the prevention of the spread of nuclear weapons. The history of this proposal is well known; I do not know of any “collateral measure” on which the Assembly has adopted more resolutions, by an ever-increasing majority.
45. Some Governments, however, are moving in a completely opposite direction. The most specific case in point, which many delegations have already been considering for a long time, is the plan for the establishment of a NATO multilateral nuclear force. Whatever sophisms may be used to disguise the real aim of this plan, it is perfectly clear that the establishment of such a force is simply a thinly disguised means of making nuclear weapons available to West Germany. The establishment of the multilateral force would destroy every possibility of reaching agreement on the non-dissemination of nuclear weapons, would accelerate the armaments race and would thus deal an irreparable blow to European security.
46. The very fact that the Southern Balkans are included in the dangerous military and political plans of NATO means that the multilateral nuclear force represents a direct threat to security and to the. subsequent improvement of the situation in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean region. The Balkans require peace and confidence and not the presence of NATO nuclear forces, which are only a source of tension and menace. We should like to hope that common sense and the national interests will prevail and that the plan for the establishment of the multilateral force will never get beyond the stage of theoretical studies.
47. Secondly, there is the question of the establishment of denuclearized zones. Having started on the right course by adopting several resolutions recommending this, the General Assembly should not lose its initial enthusiasm. Various proposals for the establishment of such zones have been made by different countries or groups of countries and it can be said that conditions are favourable for this idea to be put into practice on a wide scale.
48. Some States, however, among them, we regret to note, some small countries, basing their argument on the "balance of power", are opposed to the denuclearization of various regions and to many other parallel measures until the great world problems have been solved. There can be no doubt that an agreement on the major problems, in particular the problems of general and complete disarmament, would be the best solution of all, and this remains the final objective. But does the pursuit of this objective mean that we should fold our arms and refrain from making any effort to create the conditions needed for universal agreement? We consider that any partial solution, in any geographical region or in any political sphere, could have a favourable influence in other fields, and indeed on the whole international situation, in that it would smooth the difficult path to disarmament. There is thus every reason to persevere in our efforts to find a solution to the problem of collateral measures.
49. The Treaty of Moscow and the policy of mutual example, which has already produced tangible results, are eloquent proof of the value of this method. This certainly does not mean that the method of partial or regional collateral measures should be regarded as replacing the method of the general solution of the problem of disarmament. What must be made clear is that no formula should be allowed to disguise unwillingness to limit the armaments race and to ensure the conditions for a lasting peace.
50. With regard to the balance of power, there are many examples to prove that international agreements comparable to the denuclearization of certain regions would not bring about a change in that balance that would necessarily be to the disadvantage of the West. A convincing demonstration of this was the proclamation of the permanent neutrality of Austria. Austrian neutrality did not in any way disturb the relationship of the forces of the two blocs in the very heart of Central Europe. The denuclearization of certain countries or regions would have much more limited effects, from the point of view of international law and from the military and political point of view, than the principle of permanent neutrality. The fact of being a denuclearized zone does not entail either the obligation' to withdraw from any alliance to which one may be a party or the obligation never to join a military bloc. Denuclearization does not, therefore; upset the balance of power; on the contrary, it introduces more security into international relations.
51. In our opinion, there is one prior condition which might do much to promote the establishment of denuclearized zones: namely, the obligation of all the atomic Powers to respect their special status. The Soviet Union has repeatedly declared itself willing to assume such an obligation and it is high time that the other nuclear Powers did the same. The Conference of Non-aligned Countries recently made an appeal along these lines to the atomic Powers. The General Assembly should endorse that appeal; on behalf of the Organization it should invite the nuclear Powers to declare formally and categorically that they will never use nuclear weapons in those zones.
52. Our delegation is of the opinion that the General Assembly should also endorse the proposal of the Soviet Union concerning the renunciation by States of the use of force for the settlement of territorial disputes and questions concerning frontiers [see A/575'1], A United Nations resolution on this matter would have a beneficial effect by proclaiming, as a principle of international law, a postulate whose moral and political implications are universally recognized.
53. In accordance with its unchanging policy, the Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria will continue to do everything possible, in the General Assembly, in the Eighteen-Nation Committee and in any other international forum, to bring about the conclusion of an agreement on general and complete disarmament and on any measure which might help to lessen international tension. Bulgaria therefore supports the proposal of the Conference of Non-aligned Countries for a world conference on disarmament, to which all countries should be invited [see A/5763, section VII], as also the proposal of the People’s Republic of China for a conference of Heads of State on the total banning and complete destruction of nuclear weapons. .
54. In its Declaration, the Conference of Non-aligned Countries rightly states that "imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism constitute a basic source of international tension and conflict because they endanger world peace and security" [ibid., section I].
55. The representatives of some Western countries show signs of nervousness when faced by such declarations. They endeavour to deny their part in the creation of dangerous centres of conflict in various parts of the world, but their actions belie their words. The events in the Congo are the most recent example of such actions. The armed intervention by Belgium and the United States in the internal affairs of this unhappy country shows clearly the determination of colonialism and imperialism to retain their hold on this country's resources at all costs.
56. Patrice Lumumba asked for the help of the United Nations in order to expel the white mercenaries and to achieve the reunification of his country, but he was foully murdered. Foreign intervention is once more rife in the Congo, where the white mercenaries continue to commit appalling crimes. Once again efforts are being made to subdue the Congo by fire and the sword, by the forces which have shed its people's blood and have been denounced by the United Nations in several of its resolutions.
57. Armed intervention in the Congo must be brought to an end at once. The Congolese people must be allowed to settle their own problems, in close cooperation with the other African peoples.
58. At this session we have been happy to welcome three newly independent States: Zambia, Malawi and Malta. This event, however, has reminded us that the representatives of other countries which have not yet managed to break the claims of colonialism have still not taken their rightful seat in this Hall. The forces of colonialism and imperialism are making desperate efforts to halt the process of complete decolonization.
59. World opinion and the great majority of States Members of the United Nations resolutely condemn the assistance which certain Western Powers are providing to Portugal and to the Republic of South Africa, thus enabling the colonial regime and the inhuman system of apartheid to continue in Africa.
60. At its nineteenth session the General Assembly should adopt decisions which would help to remove the last vestiges of colonialism with all speed. We accordingly support the measures proposed in the report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
61. South-East Asia is another part of the world where imperialism is creating dangers to peace. There is no longer any doubt that the aggression of United States imperialism against the people of South Viet-Nam is doomed to failure. But instead of drawing the obvious conclusions from the situation, United States military circles continue to enlarge the area of conflict by engaging in acts of provocation against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and Laos. It has recently been rumoured that the United States intends to carry the war into the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam. To undertake such action would be playing with fire, as a great many delegations have pointed out. The Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam has many friends. If it were ever to become the target of United States aggression, its allies would not fail to provide it with whatever assistance it needed.
62. The dangerous situation in the Caribbean is another matter of profound concern to us. The economic blockade and other aggressive measures by United States imperialism against the Republic of Cuba are heightening tension in that region. The interests of peace demand that this dangerous policy should be brought to an end as soon as possible and that the United States base at Guantanamo should be evacuated. The differences between the United States and Cuba should be settled by negotiation, on the basis of equality between the two countries and respect for the sovereign rights of Cuba. The Cuban Government has declared its readiness to enter into negotiations with the United States. The Cairo Conference fully supported that declaration. It now rests with the United States to show political realism by responding to that positive step.
63. Mankind's hopes for a prosperous and peaceful existence cannot be fulfilled without close economic co-operation among all the world's States, large and small, whatever their economic and social system or their level of development. Bulgaria attaches great importance to the development of international economic relations, which is a prime condition for the establishment of peaceful relations among nations.
64. The decisions of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development have an important role to play in this regard. The recommendations adopted by the Conference and the principles it approved represent a good beginning towards ensuring a natural and harmonious development of economic and trade relations in the interest of all peoples.
65. We cannot fail to observe, however, that these efforts are encountering difficulties raised by certain countries. I have in mind principally the harmful effect on international trade of the policy of discrimination practised by certain Western Powers and their closed economic groupings. It is clear that such artificial barriers as high customs tariffs, quantitative restrictions and trade boycotts are an impediment to normal economic co-operation and to the development of trade relations.
66. The Final Act of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development points out that the solution of trade problems between the socialist countries and the developed capitalist countries "would be in the interest of world trade as a whole". We were especially happy to accept the principles drawn up by the Conference to govern international trade relations and trade policies. We hope that the universal application of these principles will help to do away with the discriminatory and restrictive measures at present in operation and will improve prospects for the expansion of economic relations among all States on a basis of equality and mutual advantage.
67. Our delegation heartily welcomes the Conference's recommendations, which are of vital importance for the accelerated economic development of the developing countries. One of the major problems of our time is to close the vast gap between those countries and the developed capitalist countries brought about by centuries of colonial domination. The recommendations of the Conference are only the first stage in joint international efforts to this end. Their implementation must help the developing countries to make the necessary changes in the structure of their economy, so that they may have a more equitable place in a new international division of labour which would be economically sound and devoid of any trace of domination or economic exploitation.
68. The United Nations was established as an international institution to co-ordinate the actions of States for the protection and maintenance of peace and for the development of friendly relations and co-operation among nations. These tasks are of capital importance for mankind. That is why the question of the effectiveness of the Organization in carrying out these tasks in conformity with the principled of the Charter has always occupied the attention of all delegations.
69. At this session, the problem of the effectiveness of the Organization’s preventive or enforcement measures for the maintenance of peace has taken on special significance in connexion with the financial questions arising from peace-keeping operations. Certain States Members of the Atlantic Alliance have exploited this problem in order to create difficulties at the opening of the nineteenth session. Owing to the sense of responsibility of the delegations of the socialist and non-aligned countries, it was possible to avoid a confrontation at the start of the session. The fact is, however, that not all the difficulties have been cleared away. The Assembly is still unable to organize its work and to take up the important problems on its agenda; it is therefore entitled to expect that the Western countries, too, will do what is necessary to enable the work of the session to proceed normally.
70. Peace-keeping operations were undertaken after there had been clear acts of aggression and blatant violations of the principle of national sovereignty. Instead of the aggressors being made to assume the political and material responsibility, in keeping with the elementary rules of international law, attempts are being made to shift the financial consequences of their aggressive acts to the entire membership of the United Nations, speculating on the alleged principle of collective responsibility. This illegal procedure tends to exonerate the aggressor at the expense of the Organization. Furthermore, violations of the Charter with regard to the respective powers of the organs of the United Nations are represented as "necessary flexibility”. But this "flexibility” is actually nothing but a transfer of functions and powers of the Security Council to the General Assembly in violation of the Charter, which is quite explicit on this subject. It is strange logic indeed to present violations of the Charter or the arbitrary interpretation of its provisions, and actions endangering peace and national independence, as a sound basis strengthening the Organization’s effectiveness. Such a course cannot but disrupt the entire machinery of the United Nations and affect the Organization’s international prestige and even its very existence.
71. A different method is required: the method of specific and practical solutions based on strict observance of the spirit and letter of the Charter. This method is set forth in the Memorandum of the Government of the USSR of 10 July 1964 [A/5721], which outlines a series of constructive proposals aimed at strengthening the effectiveness of the United Nations. On the basis of those ideas, the Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria declares its readiness to hold available to the Security Council a contingent of its armed forces, to conclude a special agreement with the Security Council on the subject, in accordance with Article 43 of the Charter, and to participate in the financing of military actions undertaken by the Security Council in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter.
72. The prerequisites for a reinforcement of the Organization’s effectiveness are complex and varied, both in content and in scope. And it is, moreover, only the combination of all these elements that can guarantee the effectiveness of the United Nations.
73. In the first place, an important condition for the normal functioning of the United Nations and the accomplishment of its mission is the observance of the principle of peaceful coexistence among all States. To deny or to disregard this principle is tantamount to condemning the Organization to ineffectiveness and inactivity.
74. Secondly, the universal character of the United Nations must be confirmed. So long as the lawful rights of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations are not fully and unconditionally restored, and such States as the German Democratic Republic are not admitted to membership, we cannot speak of genuine universality and effectiveness of the United Nations. All the important issues with which the Organization must deal require the participation of the People's Republic of China. The recognition of the lawful rights of that great nation in the Organization would be an act of justice and a demonstration of wisdom and political realism.
75. The next session of the General Assembly will take stock of the accomplishments of the United Nations during the two decades of its existence. Let us hope that, mindful of our joint responsibility for world peace and the security of mankind, we shall all contribute, through sensible decisions and actions, to the efforts to build a world free from the scourges of war and colonialism. This is the only fitting way of preparing to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations.