79. Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation, I wish, first of all, to express to you our sincerest congratulations on your unanimous election as President of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly. You are no stranger to this Assembly, nor are you a stranger to my delegation. During your tenure as the head of the delegation of Ghana, you have been an esteemed colleague, both at the United Nations and outside. It is only proper and fitting that, when the fires of freedom and independence are lit in almost all parts of Africa, a representative of that great continent should preside over the deliberations of the Assembly. We consider ourselves fortunate that we should be guided by your wisdom and experience and may I pledge the fullest co-operation of my delegation to you in the discharge of your onerous duties.
80. I should also like to extend a warm welcome to the new Members of the United Nations — Malawi, Malta and Zambia. I congratulate the people and the leaders of these independent countries for the orderly and peaceful manner in which they have achieved their independence. We wish them all success in the difficult task that lies ahead in developing their economy and improving the social and economic life of their people. We are confident that these three new Members will contribute greatly to our work in the United Nations in the cause of world peace.
81. Important developments have taken place during the period since we met here last year. For India, it has been a sad year. The passing away of Jawaharlal Nehru has been a cruel blow. His message, however, continues to inspire all those striving for peace and international understanding for the freedom and dignity of individuals and nations.
82. The most important problems facing the world today are; the problem of war and peace; the problem of colonialism and racialism, and the growing economic disparity between the developed and developing countries. These problems are in some way interrelated. There can be no lasting peace so long as colonialism and racialism are not eradicated completely and unless purposeful steps are taken to reduce the economic disparity. It is a matter of satisfaction to us that attempts are at least being made to tackle all these three problems effectively in this Organization, though the success achieved has so far not been commensurate with the efforts made. We have, however, to persevere and work hard towards achieving these objectives.
83. It is unfortunate that, at a time when the international community has embarked on a determined policy of reducing the risks of war and of building up confidence among nations, the People's Republic of China has thought it fit to maintain war as an instrument of national policy and to question the principles of peaceful coexistence. The People's Republic of China committed a massive and premeditated aggression in 1962 on India—a country which, as the Assembly is well aware, has consistently tried to befriend China. This wanton attack was not only against the spirit of Bandung but was also against all canons of international behaviour. Despite the sincere efforts made by six non-aligned African-Asian countries, the Chinese forces continue to be in occupation of 14,500 square miles of Indian territory and fourteen to fifteen divisions of the Chinese Army stand poised on India's northern borders. The People's Republic of China's preparations for war thus still continue and so also its violations on our territory and air space.
84. The problem of war and peace is the most important one for our Organization. The advent of nuclear weapons has changed the nature of war, not merely in quantitative but in qualitative terms. Nuclear war has become more dangerous; it is evident that it will destroy all that man has succeeded in constructing on this planet. The nuclear age demands that the great Powers adhere to the medium of negotiations as the only valid basis fox settling differences, however fundamental and acute these might be.
85. The concept of peaceful coexistence has now been accepted by an overwhelming majority, if unfortunately not all, of the governments of the world. Peaceful coexistence was the central theme of the Declaration of the Second Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries held at Cairo in October 1964. The Conference declared its deep conviction that in the present circumstances mankind must regard this as the only means of strengthening world peace and has further suggested that the General Assembly of the United Nations should adopt, on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations, a declaration on the principles of peaceful coexistence. It was their hope that such a code supported by the whole world would result in the consolidation of peace and security.
86. The "detente" which came about in the international situation towards the end of 1962 and whose high point was the signing of the Moscow Test-Ban Treaty in August 1963, seems to be at an end. The deterioration of the situation in South-East Asia, and the emergence of new conflicts in the Mediterranean, the heart of Africa and indeed on our own borders, are each of them capable of escalation which might ultimately lead to a general conflagration.
87. Disarmament remains one of the most important issues before the Assembly. The Moscow test-ban treaty, the hot-line between Washington and Moscow and toe joint United States-Soviet Union declaration not to place nuclear weapons in orbit in outer space had together raised hopes for an acceleration in the process of disarmament. Not only has there been no further progress towards bringing the underground tests within the scope of the Moscow treaty, but we have now witnessed a fresh explosion in the atmosphere which was banned under the treaty. We have always felt that, as long as bigger and more destructive nuclear weapons were being tested, the pre-conditions did not exist for serious and purposeful negotiations on disarmament. This was one of the principal reasons why we concentrated for so many years in the General Assembly on an agreement to ban nuclear tests. The need for an agreement to ban nuclear tests was foreseen by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru as early as 1954. The question was carefully considered at the Bandung Conference of African-Asian States in 1955. The People's Republic of China was one of the signatories to the Bandung Declaration which stated, inter alia: "Pending total prohibition of the manufacture of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons, this Conference appealed to all powers concerned to reach an agreement to suspend experiments with such weapons."
88. Since then, this world Organization has discussed the matter year after year culminating in the adoption of General Assembly resolution 1762 (XVII) condemning all nuclear tests. The partial test-ban treaty has now been acceded to by well over a hundred States. The Cairo Conference of Non-Aligned Nations called upon all States- to accede to toe treaty and to abide by its provisions in the interest of peace and the welfare of humanity. In defiance of this overwhelming world opinion and in utter disregard of the Bandung Declaration signed by it, China has exploded a nuclear device thereby reversing toe hopeful trends and adding once again to toe dangerous pollution of toe atmosphere. Consistent with the attitude of this Assembly on nuclear tests and particularly in the spirit of General Assembly resolution 1762 (XVII), India cannot but condemn the nuclear tests conducted by the People's Republic of China. This action of China is fraught with dangerous consequences. It may well start a fresh nuclear race among countries which admittedly possess nuclear capability at the present time. The risk of proliferation has thus been many times increased.
89. The Assembly must take serious notice of this development and consider ways and means of preventing the risk of further proliferation. The Cairo Declaration signed by Heads of State or Government of forty-eight non-aligned countries has called upon all States to accede to toe Moscow treaty partially banning the testing of nuclear weapons and to abide by its provisions in the interest of peace and welfare of humanity. The Conference has also urged the extension of the Moscow treaty so as to include underground tests and the discontinuance of such tests pending the extension of the agreement. It is the considered view of my delegation that the positive measures suggested in that Declaration should form the guidelines for further action by the Assembly. During this session we would suggest toe adoption by the Assembly of resolutions which would reiterate its condemnation of all nuclear tests, urge cessation of all further tests, call upon all States who have not already done so to accede to toe Moscow treaty and request the United States and the Soviet Union to reach an agreement prohibiting underground tests. Now that technique has advanced far enough to make underground tests comparatively easy of detection, my delegation hopes and believes that the time has come for bringing underground tests within the scope of the Moscow treaty.
90. India has asked for the inscription of an item on non-proliferation of nuclear weapons [A/5758] on the agenda of the current session of the Assembly. The importance of non-proliferation cannot be overemphasized. This question is as important as that of banning nuclear tests. We feel that the Assembly should direct toe Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament to discuss the question of non-proliferation as a matter of highest priority. We appeal to toe nuclear Powers to abstain from policies leading to the dissemination of nuclear weapons and technology among those States which do not at present possess them. The non-nuclear States, on the other hand, should declare their readiness not to produce, acquire or test any nuclear weapons.
91. While on the subject of disarmament, I welcome the latest proposals of the Soviet Union referred to by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union in his statement [1292nd meeting]. They deserve the careful consideration of toe Assembly and of toe Eighteen- Nation Committee on Disarmament. Disarmament, as we all know, is a very complex problem and if it is to come about, we must ensure that it embraces both nuclear and conventional aspects.
92. The Government and people of India had the privilege and honour of welcoming His Holiness Pope Paul VI in India early this month. His messages are of special significance in the context of the prevailing atmosphere of tension in the world. In a message to a special audience to newsmen in Bombay on 4 December 1964, the Pope said: "We entrust you our special message to the world. Would that nations could cease toe armaments race and devote their resources and energies instead to fraternal assistance of developing countries. Would that every nation thinking 'thought of peace and not of affliction' or war, would contribute even part of its expenditure for arms to a new world fund for the relief of many problems of nutrition, clothing, shelter and medical care which affect so many people. "From the peaceful altar of the Eucharistic Congress, may this, our anguished cry, go forth to all Governments of the world and may God inspire them to undertake this peaceful battle against sufferings of their less fortunate brothers."
93. As I said earlier, there are many areas of conflict in the world today which could lead to a general conflagration. In such a dangerous situation, it is of vital importance for States to renounce the use of force in the settlement of disputes. All States Members of the United Nations have subscribed to this idea by signing or adhering to the Charter. Even those who are as yet outside the United Nations have been loud in claiming that they stand for peace and prosperity in our planet. The basic assumption from which we proceed is that once all States accept the idea of settlement of international disputes solely by peaceful means, we would then have taken a major step towards creating an atmosphere in which international peace and security could be maintained effectively. For this reason, we welcome the initiative of the Soviet Union in submitting an item for the agenda of the current session of the Assembly entitled "Renunciation by States of the use of force for the settlement of territorial disputes and questions concerning frontiers" [A/5751]. At a time when frontier disputes are threatening international peace and security, it is of utmost importance that the General Assembly should declare that force shall not be used in the settlement of such disputes. The Organization of African Unity has declared that the frontiers existing at the time of independence shall be respected. The Cairo Conference of Non-Aligned States has laid down that "the established frontiers of States shall be inviolable". The Assembly should welcome these declarations.
94. We have been closely following the developments in the Congo and are greatly concerned about the present situation there. India has always been strongly in favour of the withdrawal of all foreign troops and mercenaries from the Congo. We continue to hold the view that outside interference which infringes the interest and sovereignty of the Congolese people should end immediately. In this context we support the Organization of African Unity in its efforts to restore peace and harmony in this strife-torn land and bring about national reconciliation.
95. The situation in Cyprus threatened peace in the Mediterranean a few months ago. We hope that the Powers concerned will show restraint and prevent a further deterioration in the uneasy peace now prevailing there. India is of the view that Cyprus is entitled to, and should enjoy, its sovereignty and independence without threat or use of force by any foreign Power and without any foreign intervention or interference.
96. Most speakers before me have dwelt, in one way or another and at some length, on the problem of United Nations peace-keeping operations. We met here on 1 December in an atmosphere of confrontation. I am glad the confrontation has been avoided. It would indeed have been disastrous for the Assembly and the Organization itself if we had decided to vote on the question of whether or not Article 19 of the Charter' was applicable to the Members who had not contributed towards the costs of peace-keeping operations in the Congo and Gaza. The result of the vote either way would undoubtedly have led to considerable diminution in the strength and vitality of our Organization. While we ourselves believe in collective responsibility and have contributed millions of dollars towards the costs of peace-keeping operations, and have also supplied thousands of troops and tons of material to the United Nations, we at the same time recognize that no Member State can be compelled to contribute either troops or funds to such operations.
97. If the confrontation has been avoided, it is because ultimately the two Powers concerned have themselves realized that such a confrontation, which would have led to the break-up of the United Nations, was in no one's interest. Also, the mediatory efforts of various groups of Members and the devoted attention which our Secretary-General gave to the problem, were of the greatest help. However, the Assembly cannot rest content with the situation as it obtains today. There are many items on our agenda which need early attention. Therefore, it must act quickly to bring about a solution of the problem of past arrears and also concern itself with how best to proceed with the consideration of the political and constitutional problems relating to United Nations peace-keeping operations. One procedure which immediately comes to my mind is to entrust this political and constitutional problem to the Working Group of twenty-one members as it is constituted at present with some slight increase in its membership, if necessary, but certainly with wider terms of reference.
98. Whatever the forum in which the problem is discussed in detail, it seems to my delegation that certain basic factors will have to be kept in mind. The primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security lies with the Security Council. It is our hope that an expanded Security Council as envisaged in resolution 1991 (XVIII) would be much more representative of the wishes of a large majority of Member States and would function accordingly.
99. Over the past few years the General Assembly has played an increasing role in the field of peacekeeping. My delegation hopes that the examination of the political and constitutional problem by the Working Group will result in a precise definition of the scope of the functions of the General Assembly and the Security Council in this respect so that the situation which assumed such threatening proportions when we met for the current session may not occur.
100. Recently some attention has been devoted to the technical aspects, as distinct from political and constitutional implications, of the United Nations peacekeeping operations. In his introduction to the annual report [A/5801/Add.l], the Secretary-General has also referred to this matter. While we ourselves are still not in favour of setting apart certain military units for service with the United Nations, we have no objection, in principle, to a technical study which might lead to "more efficient and more economical peace-keeping operations in the future". However, my delegation is not sure that the present is the most appropriate time for a study of this kind, as the political and the constitutional problem is still to be examined by the Working Group.
101. The amendments to the Charter recommended in resolution 1991 (XVIII) would, if ratified, expand the non-permanent membership of the Security Council to ten and the membership of the Economic and Social Council to twenty-seven. In our view, the proposed expansion in the membership of the two Councils would serve to give them a broader base by including a larger number of African-Asian and other developing countries. India has already ratified the amendments and so have a number of other States. However, the ratifications still fall short of the necessary two- thirds. What is more, none of the permanent members of the Security Council has so far ratified them. We are, however, glad to note that the Soviet Union has indicated its willingness to ratify the amendments. We hope that France, the United Kingdom aud the United States of America would similarly move to accept the wishes of the overwhelming majority of the membership of the United Nations.
102. Among the major problems before the United Nations are the questions of the eradication of colonialism and racialism, the worst manifestation of which is to be witnessed in the policy of apartheid practised by the Government of South Africa. My delegation's stand on these issues is well known both in the United Nations and outside. It is our conviction that the continued existence of colonialism, neocolonialism and imperialism in any form, in any part of the world, is contrary to the ideals of the United Nations Charter, prevents the development of international co-operation, and impedes the social, cultural and economic development of dependent peoples. Having ourselves waged a struggle against colonialism, we are passionately devoted to the elimination of colonial rule everywhere at the earliest possible date. It is a source of great satisfaction to us that the number of independent countries in Asia and Africa increases each year, and the process of liberation has now become irresistible and irreversible. Most of the colonial Powers have realised that they live in a changing world and that, if they are to win the goodwill and friendship of other nations, they must heed the demands of the colonial people. To resist these demands would be to invite trouble and conflict.
103. Whilst many dependent countries have attained independence, colonialism in some of its worst manifestations is still evident on the continent of Africa, where territories like Southern Rhodesia, Angola and Mozambique are still groaning under the yoke of colonialism. As long as colonial rule continues in any part of Africa or Asia or anywhere else, we cannot rest on our laurels and must assist the peoples of these territories to attain their independence. The courageous peoples of these territories have our warmest support in their struggle for freedom and independence. There can be no peace and coexistence between colonialism and freedom. Our Support and sympathies lie entirely with the subject peoples everywhere.
104. The question of Southern Rhodesia has been discussed in various fora of this Organisation and is constantly under review in the Special Committee. The views of the Government of India with regard to Southern Rhodesia are well known. We are totally opposed to independence being granted to the minority Government in Southern Rhodesia and we have stated that, if a unilateral declaration of independence by the minority Government became a reality, the Government of India would not recognize it. It is our view that the granting of independence to Southern Rhodesia must follow and not precede the establishment of majority rule in the territory. We have, therefore, welcomed the clear statement of the United Kingdom Government that a unilateral declaration of independence by the Smith Government would be considered by the United Kingdom as an act of rebellion against the Crown.
105. Portugal today presides over the largest colonial empire that exists in the world. The Cairo Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries has declared its determination to ensure that the peoples of the territories under Portuguese colonial rule must immediately be given independence, without any conditions or reservations. My delegation joins other delegations from Africa and Asia in condemning the Government of Portugal for its obstinate refusal to recognize the inalienable right of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and the so-called Portuguese Guinea to self-determination and independence in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples contained in resolution 1514 (XV).
106. The people of South West Africa have suffered long under the reactionary regime of South Africa. We are entirely against the attempts of South Africa to annex the mandated territory of South West Africa. South Africa is attempting to influence public opinion in some Western countries by providing facilities for profitable investment of capital from those countries in South West Africa. The investments, as a recent United Nations study has shown, have little or nothing to do with bettering the lot of the indigenous people of South West Africa. It should be the responsibility and duty of all countries to see that they do not become, even unwittingly, partners in the. South African game of exploiting and annexing the mandated territory of South West Africa.
107. As I said earlier, the problem of apartheid is one of the most serious problems before this Organization and it has occupied our minds for the past eighteen years. India was the first country to bring the issue of the racial policies of the Republic of South Africa before the United Nations. The struggle for racial equality in South Africa is associated with the name of Mahatma Gandhi and we have, ever since, been in the vanguard of the struggle. For eighteen years now, this Organization has put up with the flagrant disrespect and disregard that South Africa has shown for the Charter and for world opinion. The Government of South Africa is blindly stepping from one heinous act to another, and the growing hate and frustration of the indigenous people must inevitably lead to violence and war. This Organization cannot remain a silent spectator of what is going on in South Africa. The people and the Government of India are wholeheartedly behind the indigenous people, whose lives are being poisoned by a minority government which represents no one but itself. For our part, we have taken all necessary measures against the South African Government. India was the first country to break trade and diplomatic relations with South Africa. Most recently, we were the first Member State to respond to the appeal of the Chairman of the Special Committee on the policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa for assistance to the victims of those policies. We hope other nations will generously contribute and respond to this appeal.
108. Whilst a majority of the countries in Asia and Africa are conducting a political and economic boycott of South Africa, there are other nations which, in disregard of General Assembly resolutions, still continue to trade with South Africa. As a matter of fact, the economy of South Africa during the last few years has been strengthened rather than weakened. For this unfortunate development the powerful trading partners of South Africa cannot avoid responsibility. If the trading partners of South Africa were to withhold their co-operation and conduct an economic boycott, we have no doubt that the South African Government would have no option but to make drastic changes in its racial policy. If we are to hope for an early and peaceful solution of the racial problem in South Africa, every kind of pressure has to be applied on the Government of that country so that conditions may be created for the solution of this problem without conflict and bloodshed.
109. I turn now to the ever urgent yet unresolved problem of economic development. As the Secretary- General has reminded this Assembly year after year, "... the present division of the world into rich and poor countries is, ... much more real and much more serious, and ultimately much more explosive, than the division of the world on ideological grounds".
110. The importance that the international community attaches to this problem is evidenced by the fact that no less than sixteen items on the agenda of this session are devoted to economic development. These items will doubtless be debated in detail at the appropriate time in the Second Committee, but today I would like to focus attention on one issue only — what can the Member States of the United Nations do to fulfil the hopes and aspirations which were evoked by the historic United Nations Conference on Trade and Development?
111. In his introduction to this year's annual report, U Thant has rightly called this Conference "one of the most important events since the establishment of the United Nations" [A/5801/Add.l, sect. IV]. When the Government of India sent its delegation to Geneva to attend the Conference, it did so in the hope of playing a part in finding ways and means to attain the rate of economic growth that had been set as the target for the Development Decade. We wanted to urge the view that only a fundamental change in the pattern of international economic relationships could free the world from the stranglehold which traditionally stagnant societies exercise over the rate of economic development.
112. In Geneva, however, we were rather disappointed to find that our colleagues from the developed countries seemed to be somewhat unprepared to meet the challenge of the situation. Many of them seemed instinctively to get together to protect the interests which appeared, in their view, to be threatened. Even so, the Conference was able to view the global picture in its proper perspective and to appreciate the fact that the only hope for the developed and the developing countries alike lay in the quest for a new economic order. While it was generally recognized that the primary responsibility lay with each country for its own economic growth, the goal of world prosperity could only be reached if the international community also accepted its share of responsibility.
113. The Final Act of the Conference is the beginning of a new chapter of concrete action by each and every one of us. The Conference gave its findings on the state of the world economy; it evolved a series of guide-lines for national and international action; it formulated a number of hopeful suggestions for dealing with commodity problems, for promoting trade in manufactures and semi-manufactures and for financing the development of trade and the promotion of economic growth. At the same time, since not all of these suggestions had been adopted by unanimity, the Conference also recommended the establishment of continuing machinery to carry on its unfinished business. It is, therefore, imperative for this Assembly to take the first possible opportunity to establish the continuing machinery recommended by the Trade Conference. We are happy to note that some useful preparatory work has already been completed by the Secretary-General, as evidenced by the unanimous recommendations of the Committee set up by him to devise special conciliation procedures in the new organization. Once the Conference has been set up as an organ of the General Assembly, we earnestly hope that every effort will be made to implement its recommendations. The Member States of the United Nations should decide, in the free exercise of their own sovereign will, to adopt such recommendations as part of their own economic policies, and take the positive steps necessary to develop the determination of their own peoples to contribute their utmost to a better world economic order.
114. Before concluding, I would wish to draw attention to the International Co-operation Year which is to be celebrated in 1965 — the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru is making the suggestion in favour of the International Co-operation Year to the Assembly in November 1961, said: “…We live in this world of conflicts and yet the world goes on, undoubtedly because of the co-operation of nations and individuals. "The essential thing about this world is co-operation, and even today, between countries which are opposed to each other in the political or other fields, there is a vast amount of co-operation. ... Perhaps it would be a truer picture if the co-operating elements in the world today were put forward and we were made to think that the world depends on cooperation and not on conflict." [1051st meeting, paras. 36 and 37.] The truth of these words cannot be over-emphasized.
115. The programme of the International Co-operation Year has been drawn up by Member States with the intention of providing a valuable opportunity for bringing about a greater awareness of the extensive co-operation among nations and to make possible a concerted effort to expand co-operation throughout the world. Most of the work of this Assembly will now be done during 1965. It is my earnest hope that in the coming year we will be able to move forward from coexistence to co-operation.