112. Mr. President, the General Assembly has once again chosen a person of the greatest distinction to direct its work. After Mongi Slim, Zafrullah Khan and Sosa Rodriguez, its unanimous choice has fallen on you. We, who have been privileged to know you for five years, have come to appreciate your competence, your clarity of mind, your conscientiousness in the performance of your functions and your faith in the future of the United Nations. You have combined great culture and natural distinction with the friendly simplicity which is so highly esteemed by all your colleagues. It is with pride that the whole of Africa, and especially Africa south of the Sahara, has greeted your election which is of special significance since 1965 marks the twentieth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations.
113. I should also like to wish our Secretary-General a complete recovery. The great emotion which the announcement of his illness aroused in the world shows the importance of his role as well as the affection and respect in which he is held.
114. My delegation would like to express to Mr. Sosa Rodriguez its gratitude and its admiration for the skill and tact with which he directed and brought to its conclusion the eighteenth session, which accomplished so much.
115. Through the Chairman of the African-Asian group and the African group, my country has already expressed its congratulations and good wishes to the new States which have just been admitted to membership in the United Nations—Malawi, Malta and Zambia.
116. My delegation, which is a member of the Committee of Twenty-Four, charged by the Assembly with the implementation of resolution 1514 (XV) on the ending of colonialism, is happy to have taken an active part in the work and studies which preceded the independence of these three countries.
117. I wish therefore to express once again our great pleasure at witnessing this new victory for the principles proclaimed in the United Nations Charter. It was won by peaceful means and it is only fitting to congratulate also the Government of the United Kingdom. It is our earnest hope that 1965 will see the birth of new independent nations and that a final solution will be found for the problems which exercise us all: Southern Rhodesia, the territories under Portuguese administration, and apartheid.
118. The speakers who have preceded me at this rostrum have expressed our satisfaction at the arrangements made on the opening day of the session, which allow the General Assembly to hear the representatives of Member States put forward their views, state their positions and express their opinions, in order to submit them to the moral judgement of the nations which make up the Organization. But we all wish — and the African-Asian group recently said so vehemently — that the great nations would stop paralysing the normal functioning of the Organization and seek sincerely and in good faith a solution which would end the present impasse. Their responsibility would be great indeed if this distressing situation were to result in a breakdown of the United Nations, the last shield against a conflagration which would mean the destruction of mankind.
119. This rostrum, symbol of liberal universalism, is the meeting place where parties to disputes can put forward arguments and counter-arguments, and where we can all make our contribution to the search for a peaceful solution, by negotiation and, if necessary, by arbitration.
120. But that is not the only merit of the United Nations, which before all considerations of a political or juridical nature must permit the frankest discussion and the broadest confrontation of ideas, while respecting as an obligation the spirit and letter of the Charter, taken as a whole which cannot be subjected to laborious exposition.
121. It would be truly regrettable if this possibility of discussion were removed even momentarily as a result of the positions taken on points which remain in dispute all the same, because our Organization, which we are all bent on saving, would then be a body without any substance. This is certainly not the aim of certain nations which would seem more intent on making the Charter an instrument whose automatic application runs counter to the spirit of compromise in which it was drawn up and does not respect the guarantees given to every Member State for the exercise of its fundamental rights within the Organization.
122. Our position in the world and our realization of the profound changes which have taken place in the international situation lead us to examine much more closely certain aspects of the role which our Organization must assume in order "to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom" and to show the way towards peace and progress through co-operation.
123. At a time when the United Nations Development Decade is entering its fifth year, when measures to promote disarmament have been adopted by the Powers concerned and when the first United Nations Conference on Trade and Development has just ended, we consider it necessary to examine these points more thoroughly.
124. But however pressing and exceptional these circumstances are, they must not prevent us from noting that for almost twenty years the world has been experiencing a series of revolutions of which, to be sure, we are not unaware, but which may escape our just and objective consideration because we are actually living through them.
125. If rapid expansion and continued progress are ideas accepted and understood by the peoples of the developed countries, this is not always the case for the millions of human beings belonging to the underdeveloped world. As a result there is a certain tension which some are apt to call impatience, but which is only the expression of their desire to claim their share of prosperity.
126. In the same way, the peoples which have not yet been liberated are rightly astonished that they are being governed in accordance with neither justice, nor democracy, nor elementary respect for human dignity. They nevertheless rely on the United Nations to calm the eddies of resentment, rancour and passion born of their struggle against all forms of colonialism, once their claims have been met.
127. Lastly, is it not natural that our countries should seek to escape by every means and as quickly as possible from the vicious circle in which they are confined by the population explosion, the uncertainty of foreign trade and the lack of adequate resources to diversify an already stagnant production?
128. Yes, millions of people are impatient to be given access to development, to be granted full and complete participation in progress and freedom. We are confident, we are certain, that the United Nations, in whose effectiveness we believe, will adapt itself to the needs of these economic and social revolutions and will help the nations and peoples to see them through.
129. It is already encouraging to note that at Geneva this year a great step forward was taken in the development and exchange of ideas, thanks to our Organization. The importance of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development must not be minimized and cannot be measured solely in terms of its concrete and positive results, which, as we have all repeatedly regretted, were not very substantial.
130. For the first time, we were able to work out an approach common to all the countries of the underdeveloped world by surmounting the obstacles raised by our differences in economic policy. The mutual concessions of the seventy-five countries enabled them to realize that in face of the various reactions of the wealthy nations, ranging from generous liberalism to acceptance of the principle to qualified refusal, the only possible position was one of firmness and solidarity.
131. If we could succeed in organizing trade in primary commodities; if a preferential policy for industrial exports from the developing countries were better defined, thanks to broader access to the markets of the developed countries and especially to export guarantees; and if sufficient financial resources were deployed to help us with industrialization and the improvement of our terms of trade, then the underdeveloped countries would know that the promises which have been made to them are neither empty nor deceptive and that there really exists a desire to remedy the imbalance and to stop the gap between the two worlds from widening.
132. In the opinion of the Malagasy Government, it would be relevant in this connexion to stress that we would wish for an improved flow of capital to the developing countries. This form of international economic assistance has grown steadily since 1960, but a slowing down of this expansion is also to be feared, indicating the need to make the financial conditions of loans more flexible.
133. Wo firmly hope that by the end of the United Nations Development Decade, which is an objective framework for our own efforts and for the aid which we expect from international organizations and the developed countries, it will at last be reasonably possible for us to see ahead the end of poverty, of economic and social misery, and the dawn of an era of true progress for us.
134. Paradoxically, however, mixed with the hope which has been kindled in us is a feeling of fear that we share with all peoples which genuinely love peace and freedom. There are some who declare, with some plausibility, that development and disarmament must proceed together. But can we say that we are on the threshold of reaping the benefits of general and complete disarmament? Can we gauge at all accurately the resources which would be released or the economic consequences?
135. These remarks are not imbued with spurious pessimism, for the Malagasy Government cannot but welcome the ban on the orbiting of nuclear weapons and the reduction in the manufacture of fissionable materials as measures which will lessen international tension and help to get the process of disarmament started.
136. But what are we to think of the tens of thousands of millions the great Powers spent on armaments last year? Does not this give us more reason to fear than to hope?
137. Faced with these contradictions, we can only hope for the development of a universal political conscience which will condemn war as benefiting no one and as no longer able to constitute "the continuation of politics by other means". We are convinced that only through exchanges of views will it be possible to settle the international differences and disputes born, alas, of the confrontation of ideologies and of deep-rooted and real differences between nations.
138. We cannot with an easy conscience accept the fact that twenty years after the Second World War we are faced, as if in defiance of the wisdom of nations and the rights of peoples, with the sorry sight of the war's aftermath, the continued arbitrary division of countries and even of a city like Berlin. We must not be satisfied merely that during the exchanges of views crises arise and disappear and be thankful that conflicts rarely reach the explosion point.
139. It is particularly urgent, therefore, that we should build the framework of a peaceful world, by hastening the settlement of disputes and defining the rights and the duties of States in a solemn declaration.
140. This calls for continuous and patient efforts to reconcile often conflicting points of view and to formulate definitions acceptable to all parties. We consider that in the absence of a legally binding convention or treaty, it is the responsibility of the United Nations, once the real intentions and disagreements have been established, to exert pressure on all States which recognize our Organization as the guardian of a moral order, with the object of ensuring international peace.
141. For nearly eighteen years the International Law Commission has been endeavouring to lay down and define principles which might validly govern relations between States and relations between States and citizens, with recognition for the rights of the latter. The adoption of these principles is urgently necessary as an essential factor in the promotion of friendly relations and co-operation between States on the one hand, and in the universal protection and development of human rights on the other. To be honest with ourselves and with the international community we must apply fully, faithfully and without delay, principles with which we are all familiar, having included them in declarations adopted by the General Assembly or in draft international covenants.
142. But what do we see in practice? Force and the threat of force are still being used to settle disputes. There are still tendencies towards interference in the affairs of sovereign States. In some States, tolerance, non-discrimination, equality of rights and self- determination remain a dead letter.
143. On the contrary, there are some who strain their wits, as in the case of apartheid, to put their own interpretation on those principles. Is it not true that whenever the United Nations questions the policy of racial discrimination, the Government of South Africa unfailingly replies that this constitutes "an unprecedented attempt at deliberate interference"? In this particular case the argument must inevitably be sterile because it is used to support a policy denounced and condemned by the conscience of mankind.
144. In an attempt to emerge from the impasse, the Group of Experts established pursuant to resolution S/5471 adopted by the Security Council on 4 December 1963 declared that: "It is only on the road of free and democratic consultation and co-operation ... that a way can be found towards a peaceful and constructive settlement", and recommended "... the establishment of a National Convention fully representative of the whole population. Such a representative National Convention would consider the views and proposals of all those participating and set a new course for the future". Isolating itself from the international community, South Africa replies that comment on these concrete proposals which are acceptable to us is superfluous.
145. When the question of the trial of the South African patriots and of the amnesty for political prisoners was raised, it was claimed that the United Nations was interfering in South Africa's judicial processes. Is it natural to respond to humanitarian considerations by taking refuge in legal argumentation and to carry cynicism to the point of executing patriots, as was done a few weeks ago, despite the intervention of such a universally recognized moral authority as that of Pope Paul VI?
146. These facts show that although the principle of non-intervention in matters within the domestic jurisdiction of a State is one to which we attach great importance, there are countries which dare to abuse it in an attempt — an unsuccessful attempt — to vindicate themselves to world public opinion which has already taken it upon itself to condemn the inhumanity and injustice of a system based on discrimination.
147. And the improper interpretation of certain principles of our Charter does not end there. Is it not on the basis of its own understanding of self- determination that Portugal, for example, claims to be justified in maintaining its domination over territories temporarily under its administration? On this point we adhere strictly to the principle that it is the duty of States to recognize the equality and fundamental rights of peoples and their right to self-determination, as understood in the Charter, and to the principle that States must fulfil the obligations they have assumed.
148. Recognition of these principles aside, even though it may prove desirable to explore further the possibilities offered by an exchange of views, we see no chance of succeeding unless Portugal furnishes positive proof of its good faith and goodwill. For nothing would be more repugnant to us than to have to resort to sanctions which may seriously endanger the peace and security of the African continent.
149. These are not the only two instances in which international law, once it has been exhaustively studied and precisely formulated, may allow the United Nations, the mirror of the universal conscience, to intervene effectively. There is also the much debated question of minorities which could have been solved by the conclusion of covenants on human rights.
150. Yet, just as we have seen how some States turn the provisions of the Charter to their own particular advantage, so we are amazed that, in contempt of justice which takes precedence over any considerations resulting from the fact there are some people who would stress what are falsely described as the consequences of constitutional imperatives, a minority such as that in Southern Rhodesia should claim to be the sole beneficiary of a process of development which the responsible authorities have sought to regulate. If the law were strictly complied with, it would have been normal for this development, the outcome of which is independence, to advantage the majority, whose legitimate desire for independence and liberty we must in all fairness and in all conscience endorse.
151. After we have considered these cases, which we will readily classify as abnormal, it seems essential that we should apply ourselves to the development of international law and when we have succeeded in codifying, in a manner which precludes any ambiguity, any evasion, the obligations incumbent on each of us, we shall be able to tackle the question of real cooperation among nations.
152. It is in order to give concrete expression to these ideas and feelings that the Government of the Malagasy Republic has requested the inclusion in the agenda of an item [item 6 of the supplementary list], entitled "Observance by Member States of the principles relating to the sovereignty of States, their territorial integrity, non-interference in their domestic affairs, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the condemnation of subversive activities". The explanatory memorandum [A/5757 and Add.l] submitted by my delegation in support of our request for the item's inclusion in the agenda clearly defines our objectives and the means we suggest, which stem from what I have just explained to you. All the terms—and I say "all" advisedly — of our draft resolution are taken from the Charter of the United Nations and the Charter of the Organization of African Unity signed at the Addis Ababa Conference almost twenty months ago.
153. In order that freedom, democracy and justice in all spheres and respect for human dignity may prevail, it is my Government's policy to endeavour to co-ordinate our actions through regional groupings, for there is no doubt that where adequate instruments are still lacking we are obliged to establish machinery which, as we see it, must constitute a factor making for understanding and a force for peace.
154. This is one of the reasons why we contributed to the establishment of the Organization of African Unity, which the African and Malagasy union has just joined, for we feel that we share the same preoccupations together with certain principles and rules which count for more than our differences.
155. In this way, by presenting a united front to the world, we are confident that we shall be able to ensure the triumph of the ideas we share with the community of nations, in particular regarding the need for development, the urgent need for an international community in which law will prevail over arbitrariness, and honest co-operation, guarantee of a lasting understanding between nations which circumstances have brought into confrontation.
156. These are the thoughts which, on behalf of the Malagasy delegation, I advance for your consideration. They have been formally expressed on several occasions by our Head of State, President Philibert Tsiranana. We must come back to them again and again and perhaps even develop them further if we want the United Nations to be able to accomplish its task. There is no longer room for doubt when we are called upon to fulfil man’s desire to escape from the ebb and flow of fear and hope, to help avert the peril resulting from political, economic and social injustice, from oppression and tyranny, to promote development, exchanges of views and co-operation and, instead of observing as passive spectators the victory of one side over the other, foster peace in the world and understanding among nations.