76. Mr. President, in congratulating you upon your well-deserved election as President of this General Assembly, I salute in your person the nations of the African continent, and especially your own country, Ghana, x also extend warm greetings to the new Member States, Malawi, Malta and Zambia, I hope that their attainment of freedom and sovereignty will lead them resolutely along the path of peace, solidarity and progress.
77. I have not come to this rostrum to speak about local political issues, nor do I consider that this is the proper occasion to do so. I must, however, make two brief statements in order to explain the objectives of the Military Junta of the Bolivian Government.
78. In recent years, Bolivia has been the scene of a social and economic transformation, the goal of which was to redress age-old injustices and to place the responsibility for their destiny in the hands of the Bolivian people. History has, however, shown once again that social democracy cannot exist without political freedom. The free and unimpeded right to vote, respect for the dignity of man, and a legal system which limits power and guarantees public freedom are the essence of any democratic system. The restoration of those values, regrettably forgotten if not disregarded, was the goal of the popular movement launched at the beginning of November. The sole purpose of the presence of a Military Junta at the head of the Bolivian Government is to restore democracy and to arrange for free elections to be held.
79. The second statement refers to the fact that some of the Latin American Governments have not recognized Bolivia's Military Junta. The classic doctrine of recognition requires objective verification of two points only: that the de facto Government is maintaining law and order and that it is fulfilling its international obligations. The Military Junta has amply satisfied both requirements. However, a subjective type of doctrine, such as that upheld by some in the name of defending democracy, would lead to the consideration of domestic matters, which are not and cannot be within the competence of other Governments, and would run counter to the self-determination of peoples. In this respect, allow me to point out, within the confines of the United Nations, the danger involved in any prolonged policy of non-recognition in terms of its effects on the internal order and sovereignty of the State of Bolivia.
80. In a few days we shall begin the International Co-operation Year, in accordance with resolution 1907 (XVIII) adopted by the General Assembly on 21 November 1963. Our present labours should serve as a preparation for this event, but this will not be possible unless we show, with the eloquence of deeds, that the United Nations has made progress in the three matters which are without any doubt the pillars of international co-operation: namely, the reduction of armaments and the control of atomic weapons, economic and social development, and the strengthening of the United Nations as a guarantee of peace and security among peoples.
81. In regard to the first, the annual report of the Secretary-General [A/5801] shows signs of scepticism, and we have gained the same impression from the statements of some of the representatives who have spoken from this rostrum. For example, in the introduction to the annual report [A/5801/Add.l], the Secretary-General states that "the treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water remains neither universal nor comprehensive". In regard to disarmament, the same document, while drawing attention to some progress that has been made, states that "the expectations of the eighteenth session of the General Assembly have not been realized". Nor can it be said that the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament has achieved encouraging results, at least up to the present.
82. It would seem logical to ask what is, or should be, the position of the countries which have no atomic power but which make up the majority of the United Nations. It is true that the reduction of armaments, the prohibition of atomic tests and the control of such tests is a matter for the great Powers, for which they must bear the maximum responsibility. But when we see that more than a hundred countries are able to send their representatives to take their places round the conference tables here and to participate in the discussions in this world forum that is the General Assembly, we may say that their responsibility is in direct relation to their force as world public opinion. We have had many examples in recent years of the power of public opinion. For example, when the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted, there was some scepticism about its practical effectiveness; but today no one can deny that it is so deeply embedded in the consciences of civilized nations that any violation occasions protests and denunciations, which are actually more effective than measures of coercion. Similarly, owing to the intelligence of the majority of people, the concept of colonialism has changed in the world and a new mentality which rejects racial discrimination has developed. As a result of these changes in man's thinking, it has been possible for many political transformations to come about in an atmosphere of peace and moderation. At this very moment, the Latin American and the African countries are proposing the establishment of denuclearized zones as an expression of their determination to oppose any threat of atomic destruction. There can be no doubt that the great Powers recognize this right of the weaker countries and it is not going too far to say that denuclearization will become a reality to the extent that we ourselves are able to demand it.
83. Anything connected with economic and social development deserves close consideration in our debates, for it is impossible to speak about international co-operation unless positive efforts are made to raise the level of living of the developing peoples and to enable them to make rational use of their natural resources. As was pointed out at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, development problems are creating tension between North and South, which is as serious and dangerous as the political tension between East and West.
84. The Conference has been judged pessimistically, particularly because many of its resolutions were adopted as doubtful compromises, designed rather to preserve the prestige of the Conference than to be of useful application. We feel, however, that the success of the Conference lies in the fact that it has evolved general and special principles which, if accepted equally by the industrial Powers and by the developing countries, would constitute a serious basis for future action. I need only quote General Principle Four to indicate the really impressive scope of the text adopted at Geneva. It reads as follows: "Economic development and social progress should be the common concern of the whole international community and should, by increasing economic prosperity and well-being, help strengthen peaceful relations and co-operation among nations. Accordingly, all countries pledge themselves to pursue internal and external economic policies designed to accelerate economic growth throughout the world, and in particular to help promote, in developing countries, a rate of growth consistent with the need to bring about substantial and steady increase in average income, in order to narrow the gap between the standard of living in developing countries and that in the developed countries."
85. Another success achieved by the Conference was the establishment of machinery which, under the authority of the United Nations, will be called upon to put into effect, on a continuing basis, a wide variety of principles and programmes concerning the international division of labour, the integration of regional economies, the readjustment of prices of raw materials, the balance between imports and exports, free access to markets, and international trade routes, the elimination of customs barriers, and financial and technical co-operation. To sum up, the bases have been laid for constructive, work. We fully support the establishment of permanent machinery for the Conference and we request the General Assembly to take the necessary decisions to enable it to go into operation without delay.
86. In examining the results of the Conference, the Bolivian delegation cannot fail to mention what the Conference has done for the land-locked countries by establishing the following universal principles: "The recognition of the right of each land-locked State of free access to the sea" and "free and unrestricted transit, in such a manner that [it has] free access to regional and international trade in all circumstances and for every type of goods".
87. Pursuant to the Conference's recommendations, a Committee of twenty-four members met in October 1964 to prepare a draft convention on free transit for land-locked countries. A Conference of Plenipotentiaries will be held during the year 1965 for the purpose of studying and approving the draft convention. Bolivia will take an active part in this Conference and hopes that the decisions adopted will be useful and fair to the countries whose geographical position in the world makes development and progress difficult.
88. The strengthening of the United Nations entails complex political and legal problems. There can be no doubt that, politically, what has been called "decolonization", i.e., the development of a people from a state of colonial dependence to independence, has in many cases necessitated United Nations action and has constituted a real challenge to the solidity of its structure. Mr. Leitao da Cunha, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Brazil, spoke here, with ample justification and considerable perspicacity, about the problem of decolonization and violence, and suggested the establishment of a standing United Nations force whose purpose would be "not to punish or to repel aggressors, but, by their presence, to prevent the outbreak of armed warfare and to ensure respect for the cessation of hostilities" [1289th meeting, para. 24]. Instances of violence in many countries progressing towards sovereignty are still fresh in our minds and it is obvious that United Nations intervention has had no effect. Accordingly, any proposals which aim at giving the United Nations practical and effective means of acting deserve consideration and support* Decolonization and the self-determination of peoples require guarantees of peace and order.
89. From the legal point of view, the strengthening of the United Nations depends not so much on the revision of the Charter as upon the acceptance of new concepts of international law. Hitherto, relations between States have been, governed by an exclusively contractual system, as was shown by the recent codification projects of the Special Committee on Principles of International Law, established under resolution 1966 (XVIII). Doctrinal concepts are still cast in the mould of private law. The will of States is unquestionably the most important source, of international law, but it is equally certain that the evolution of the contemporary world necessitates formulae which are more dynamic and effective, such as those which would be derived from international law or which would take account of the compulsory nature of the general principles recognized by all civilized nations.
90. If there is a moral order consisting of those values which all men and all nations recognize as essential for their coexistence and well-being, why should it not be possible for international law to set its seal upon those values, making them binding on all States, beyond their own volition? Clearly the difficulty lies in the lack of a supranational authority, but it is precisely here that the United Nations has a new role to play. It would, of course, be premature to concentrate legal, still less political, power in any one organ of the United Nations. But it is clear from the facts that, in certain circumstances and for certain matters, a body like the General Assembly or a specialized conference can and should lay down regulations having binding force.
91. The mind of man has invented the most intricate technical instruments and man is now embarking upon the conquest of space, but at the same time he has forged the instruments of his own destruction. Moreover, man has not succeeded in mastering the factors of social turmoil: the population explosion, the gulf between wealth and poverty, illiteracy, hatred and anarchy. There is a disproportion between power and duty. We have been generous in proclaiming principles and have established institutions of peace, justice and co-operation; but we have begrudged them effective means of action. The task is difficult and there is not much time in which to make the hopes of the world come true.
92. This year, for the first time, Bolivia has a seat in the Security Council. We hope that our voice will always express the concerns of the developing world and will speak with the ring of truth. We have no wish to interfere in the domestic affairs of other nations, but we accept the responsibilities of collective security. We advocate the strengthening of the organs which are responsible for the maintenance of peace and for taking collective action against aggressors. We favour regional pacts and organizations, within the spirit of the Charter signed at San Francisco and we want their procedures and findings to be more effective and severe. Bolivia has shown its unfailing loyalty to the principles of international order and hopes to find a solution to its own problems through diplomacy and understanding. Lastly, we share the faith of the ever-growing number of nations which wish to live in peace and harmony under the aegis of the United Nations.