144. A few days ago we had the pleasure and the satisfaction to receive three new Members in our midst. These admissions have brought the United Nations membership up to 115.
145. Most of the United Nations Members are small or medium-sized nations, whose primary aim must be to support and strengthen the Organization because, by doing so, they will support and strengthen their own liberty and independence. To us, it is a matter of vital importance to uphold the inviolability of the Charter and to ensure the survival and growth of our Organization.
146. To the major Member States, with their enormous natural resources, their vast populations, but also their frightening nuclear stockpiles, the United Nations is not, as it is to us, the necessary foundation of national life. And y et, we have seen that the big nations are aware of the need for solidarity in the world community at large. Recognizing that interdependence is unavoidable, they have lent the United Nations the support without which it would not have been able to exist.
147. We are experiencing a critical period in the history of the United Nations. Our Organization is not a dead shell, not a rigid formal frame. It is a living organism which must be adapted to the changing requirements arising out of new situations — or as you, Mr. President, so aptly expressed it in your opening statement: "We should make full use of the Charter of the United Nations, which is a living and dynamic document" [1286th meeting, para. 29],
148. in the spirit of the Charter, but hardly foreseen by its founders, our Organization has devoted itself whole-heartedly to the cause of decolonization, and the process of decolonization has now been carried so far that we are beginning to see the day when the right of self-determination will be fully and universally applied.
149. In the spirit of the Charter, but hardly foreseen by its founders, our Organization has also undertaken peace-keeping operations in many parts of the world and, through these activities, averted situations threatening the peace and security of every one of us.
150. This growth in the life of our Organization calls for continuous adaptation, and is continually giving rise to difficulties of adaptation. In these situations, we — the small and medium-sized Member nations — must stand together to safeguard and project our Organization. Alone we cannot accomplish this, bat — and I am convinced that the majority of Member States will agree in this — we take it for granted that the positions and decisions taken by the great Powers in all questions of vital importance not only to them but to all mankind will be in conformity with world opinion as expressed in this Assembly. I also feel confident that, if the great Powers follow such policies, we, the small and medium-sized nations, will respond in the same true spirit of co-operation and due respect for the interests of all. The growth of our Organization does not permit us to get stock in formalism or to cling to historical positions. The process of adaptation makes demands on all of us but the greater the nations the greater the demands.
151. Let us never forget that the main objective of this Organization is the preservation of peace. lt gives us some satisfaction to know that the disarmament talks at Geneva are still going on in a good atmosphere, where views are exchanged on all aspects of the very complicated issues and a deeper understanding reached of the various problems involved. But it is alarming that no real progress has been made since our last General Assembly, either with regard to concrete steps towards general and complete disarmament or with regard to collateral measures. It is therefore up to us, during this Assembly, jointly to consider new constructive ideas by which to give the Committee on Disarmament renewed inspiration and material for study during its coming session.
152. Quite recently, the People's Republic of China exploded its first nuclear device and entered the group of nuclear Powers. This stresses the need for an agreement to stop any further growth of this group. We have reached the point where the necessity of a non-dissemination treaty can no longer be rejected. If we do not very soon make an earnest attempt to solve this problem, we shall have taken upon ourselves a very heavy responsibility towards future generations who will have to live in a world which will be even more exposed than ours to the threat of sudden and complete extinction.
153. Furthermore, the Chinese nuclear explosion underlines what for many years has been the Danish Government's view, that we cannot create safe and orderly conditions in the world if we do not, in some way, accept the participation of the People's Republic of China in our discussions. The Assembly must therefore find a solution to the question of how representatives of the People's Republic of China can be drawn into realistic discussions on the safeguarding of enduring peace.
154. While it is our task in the General Assembly to spur on the work for general disarmament, the main responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security lies with the Security Council.
155. When, in 1945, this responsibility was placed in the hands of the great Powers, humanity was given renewed hope of a peaceful world. In the following years, we have seen that this system is not capable of living up to our expectations, and in that situation various emergency solutions have had to be found.
156. I want, however, to take this opportunity to express the hope and the wish that the Security Council will live up fully to the responsibility entrusted to it under the Charter.
157. In a given emergency situation, we can expect that the Security Council, recognizing its heavy responsibility for the maintenance of peace, will meet and agree on the formulation of a solution. But that is not, in itself, sufficient if the solution the Security Council reaches merely amounts to setting up the framework within which a decision must be taken. A factor of primary importance in this connexion is time. The ability to act quickly in a given situation may determine the usefulness of the action. It is also absolutely necessary that the Security Council, when dealing with the main issue or at any later time when developments call for it, should develop the framework in a manner to ensure that the objectives set out by the Council can be effectively pursued.
158. A case in point is the Cyprus action, which clearly shows how necessary it is to formulate the mandate of the United Nations forces in terms that will give them a fair chance to accomplish their task.
159. I mention these questions because it is important that a country which has decided to make forces available to the United Nations should be given sufficient guarantees that, whenever peace-keeping operations are decided upon, they are sure to be implemented effectively. But I also see in this a cardinal example of the important interplay provided for in the United Nations Charter with regard to the possibilities of individual Member countries, irrespective of their power, influence and size, to promote the cause of peace — an interplay which I would like to stress as emphatically as possible.
160. The Governments of the Scandinavian countries had for some time discussed the practicability of the national preparation of stand-by forces. After consultation, each of us started to put the ideas into practice.
161. On 30 April 1964, the Danish Parliament gave its consent to the establishment of a permanent military stand-by force of about 950 men. At the same time, the Government was authorized to make this force available to the United Nations if called upon to assist in the implementation of peace-keeping measures, pursuant to a lawful United Nations decision, and if, in the light of an appraisal of the overall situation, such assistance was considered desirable.
162. Acting on that authority, my Government decided on the same day to make a force available for the peace-keeping operations in Cyprus. Could any course of events more dramatically have given added interest to the international debate on the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations or the necessity of attaining optimum preparedness in emergency situations? And has not the Cyprus action made it abundantly clear how desirable it is to find solutions to the many questions which arise in connexion with the United Nations peace-keeping activities?
163. Against this background, it is gratifying to note that United Nations efforts in this field have lately met with growing understanding and interest in the Organization as well as in many Member States.
164. Several countries have decided to set up national United Nations stand-by forces; others are considering plans for such forces. At the unofficial level, research workers and study groups are devoting keen attention to United Nations force problems.
165. A short while ago, my country's representatives had the opportunity to meet in Ottawa with representatives of twenty-two other countries, from all parts of the globe, to discuss military and technical experience gained in previous United Nations operations. The sole purpose of the meeting was to enable people who had been on active United Nations service to exchange experience on their practical and technical work in the field, for the mutual benefit of the individual countries in their build-up of United Nations stand-by forces. We are grateful to the Canadian Government for having taken this initiative in a field where, up till now, no other means of co-ordination have been available.
166. It seems to me, however, that the time has now come for discussion and study, within the United Nations framework, of the many problems, formal as well as practical, attending this aspect of United Nations peace-keeping activities. I am therefore glad to see the question mentioned in the Secretary-General's annual report [A/5801]. The Secretary-General finds that, in order in general to ensure better, more efficient and more economical peace-keeping operations in the future, it may be useful to have this question studied comprehensively in all its aspects, including manpower, logistics and financing.
167. We fully share this view expressed by the Secretary-General, and we hope that a committee will be established during the present session for this purpose.
168. While commenting on these problems, I would like to stress that, when we speak of United Nations peace-keeping forces, we mean forces used in operations such as those undertaken in the Congo, in Yemen, in Gaza, in Cyprus and in other parts of the world. They are not the forces envisaged in Chapter VII of the Charter, which deals with measures that may be taken by the Security Council against the will of a Government to maintain or restore international peace and security. The actions for which the Danish stand-by force is contemplated are actions taken under Chapter VI of the Charter, which deals with the pacific settlement of disputes. This implies, without exception, that the country in which the forces are to be used must have accepted the United Nations operation and our participation in it.
169. The Danish Government has studied with great care the memorandum [A/5721] received from the USSR Government on certain measures to strengthen the effectiveness of the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security.
170. Denmark would be among the first countries to welcome it if the Member States of the United Nations, first and foremost the permanent members of the Security Council, one day were to reach agreement on a common goal in world politics and if, to achieve that goal, they were to provide the United Nations with real power as envisaged in Chapter VII of the Charter. In that event, we would be prepared, in the interest of the enforcement of international law and order, to accept such limitations of our international freedom of action as would be necessary. Until then, we must content ourselves with the second-best solution, seeing that politics is the noble act of reaching the attainable.
171. Denmark has again this year had the privilege to serve on the Committee of Twenty-Four on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. We have thus had the opportunity to watch developments at close range and offer our modest contribution to this very important trend in today’s world politics. It is the hope of the Danish Government that our full and sincere support of the basic principles of self-determination has been clearly demonstrated in the day to day work of the committee.
172. The general attitude of my Government to the questions arising from the legacy of the colonial past has been to promote co-operation between the United Nations and the parties concerned. We are happy to see that this policy has borne fruit in most of the colonial issues, although it must be admitted that we are still left with a few hard-core problems. We are, however, confident that, by its own logic, the process of emancipation will not cease until all countries and peoples have been freed from the rule of other countries or peoples, in whatever form it may be. We hope and trust that all Members of the United Nations will co-operate to promote this process in a dedicated and orderly way, so that when the history of our epoch is written it may be said that, from the efforts of our generation, emerged an international community consisting only of truly independent and sovereign nations and peoples.
173. We cannot, however, overlook one problem which throws a sinister shadow over the continent of Africa and the whole international scene, and that is the policies of apartheid pursued by the Government of South Africa. The situation in that country continues to give rise to deep concern in Denmark. We have noted with profound regret how the Government of South Africa systematically and self-righteously persists in undermining the human rights of the vast majority of the South African population. It continues to act in complete disregard of the numerous appeals made by the highest organs of the United Nations and in disregard of world opinion.
174. The failure of this policy has been amply demonstrated by the increasing use of death penalties and long terms of imprisonment for oppositional activities. It seems evident that the Government of South Africa does not or will not realize how dangerous is this way of running a multiracial community. To the vast majority of mankind, it is alarming and tragic to witness how, in spite of the steady deterioration of the situation in its country, the Government of South Africa clings to its polices of apartheid, which defy the very purposes which the South African Government claims to have in mind and which in the end may have unpredictable consequences.
175. Those who, over the years have followed the reactions of world opinion to the policies of apartheid cannot fail to notice a clear trend towards a stiffening in the opposition to those policies.
176. An important step taken within the framework of the United Nations is the setting up by the Security Council of an expert committee to study the feasibility, effectiveness and implications of measures which, as appropriate, could be taken by the Council under the Charter. The Danish Government is in full agreement with this decision of the Security Council, and we are looking forward to the committee’s report, confident that it will be a constructive and positive contribution to the struggle against apartheid.
177. We see how developments point in a certain direction, and we must all — the big countries, the smaller countries, countries of all continents—no matter how serious the political, economic and emotional implications of the problem of apartheid are to us, realize this: the handling of the problem will call for wisdom, vigour and imagination if we are still to hope that a drastic or violent outcome may be averted, and a solution found on the basis of mutual understanding and restoration of the rights and the dignity of all human beings in South Africa. At this point, I wish to state firmly that, in order to promote such a solution, the Danish Government will be prepared to take all necessary steps in conformity with lawful United Nations decisions.
178. This General Assembly can look back upon one of the most important achievements in United Nations economic co-operation. The most comprehensive economic conference since the end of the Second World War was held this year, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. The conference reached a large measure of agreement on world economic problems of extreme importance to all nations.
179. Since the last session of the General Assembly we have all known what was at stake at the Conference on Trade and Development, not only for the developing countries, but for our entire United Nations co-operation. It is therefore most gratifying that the conference resulted in a unanimously adopted report, and a final act signed by all participating countries.
180. Against the background of the conference's unanimous proposal to set up a standing conference on trade and development under the auspices of the General Assembly, Denmark looks forward to fruitful discussions in the Trade and 'Development Board at an early date. Our expectations in that respect are further strengthened by the unanimous recommendation of the special committee on conciliation procedures. The conference's unanimous recommendations on the requisite trade and technical assistance measures have the constant attention of the Danish Government. We wish to promote and participate in the implementation of the widest possible measures on which international agreement can be reached.
181. The industrialized countries have realized that the efforts to utilize the human and material resources of the developing countries must be pursued and supported in three ways.
182. First, the industrialized countries must offer both technical assistance and development aid.
183. Secondly, the developing countries must be provided with the necessary capital to implement their development programmes.
184. Thirdly, last but not least, the industrialized countries must facilitate the marketing of products from the developing countries.
185. Expansion, under more favourable terms, of the exports of developing countries is the first essential in enabling the developing countries to make the best and greatest possible use of their resources and, consequently, for the most effective promotion of economic development. Outlets must be found for both the raw materials and the processed goods of developing countries. Incidentally, extensive exchanges of trade are a condition for obtaining the desired results from technical and financial assistance.
186. Denmark will continue to work for the elimination of all barriers to trade in raw materials. In an effort to achieve this aim, we shall be prepared to participate in negotiations for international agreements designed to stabilize world market prices of raw materials of principal importance to developing countries. We shall also contribute to extensive reductions of the tariffs imposed on industrial goods from the developing countries.
187. It is the proclaimed attitude of Denmark to the Kennedy Round that the negotiations on tariffs and trade should comprise all commodities. Consequently, we have not submitted any list of exceptions. At the Conference on Trade and Development we took a positive attitude to the suggestion that, as part of the multilateral efforts to reduce tariffs, further tariff reductions should be adopted for the benefit of all developing countries within GATT.
188. The conference will no doubt go down in history as the starting point of a new era in international economic co-operation. One line of thought behind the deliberations of the conference strikes me as being especially important, and that is the way in which we promote the expansion of the exports of the developing countries, especially through the elimination or reduction of tariffs imposed on industrial goods from the developing countries. According to the thinking of the nineteenth century, tariffs are imposed to protect domestic products from foreign competition. What we are proposing now is, in fact, a new concept for the imposition of tariffs, namely to design them in such a way that the exports of the developing countries are facilitated, not hampered. This reverses the aim of tariffs: whereas formerly the object was to educate producers in the home country to a competitive standard, it is now, in the twentieth century, in the age of political and economic interdependence, the clear aim to stimulate the producers of the developing countries to competitiveness.
189. It is our constant hope that, during or after the Kennedy Round, the industrialized countries will take steps to grant general freedom from customs duly to industrial goods from the developing countries. Any such decision to deviate from the most-favoured-nation principle must, however, according to the views I have just expressed, be a temporary measure. We would like to see all tariff barriers removed completely from international trade.
190. The efforts to provide better marketing conditions in industrialized countries for the products of developing countries may make considerable progress in the coming year. The contracting parties to GATT have just adopted the draft of a new chapter to the Agreement containing provisions for the benefit of developing countries. Under these provisions, the industrialized countries commit themselves to grant the best possible conditions for imports of special interest to the developing countries.
191. Our international organizations are faced with great tasks. The developing countries have appealed to the industrialized countries for comprehensive co-operation in the solution of their problems, because they are problems of importance to the whole world.
192. The Danish Government welcomes this request, because we view this co-operation in the light of our own experience. The degree of social stability that we have attained has been made possible through a steady elimination of barriers within the society. This development has taken a long time, and it is a process that never will and never should stop. We realize that we cannot expect this development to continue in our own country if we do not accept that the same principle should be applied internationally. Only in that manner can we open up the immense resources of human and material wealth that are hidden in the developing countries.
193. The process of decolonization, the assurance of self-determination and political freedom, the steady expansion of economic co-operation and the removal of all obstacles to the free flow of commodities, reflect two aspects of the same picture. Self-determination and political freedom are of little value if a sound economic foundation is lacking. Human rights and political equality have little meaning where hunger and poverty prevail.
194. While our efforts in the field of decolonization can be said to have been quite successful, there is still a long way to go in the field of equalizing and raising standards of living. That is the greatest challenge today. Only by incessant efforts along these two lines shall we be able to achieve the basic aim of our Organization, the preservation of peace.
195. Today, the choice between peace and war may well be a choice between survival and annihilation. So let us in all our efforts always have the preservation of peace and the furtherance of mutual understanding in mind. May this General Assembly serve these noble aims.