33. Mr. President, it is with a deep sense of pleasure and pride that I extend to you the congratulations of the delegation of the United Arab Republic on your election as President of the General Assembly at its nineteenth session. Your election is of distinct significance for Africa and for all of us, your fellow Africans, who have known you as a determined and eloquent defender of the cause of freedom, peace and justice. We are confident that you will steer the nineteenth session along a positive and effective course.
34. On behalf of the Government and people of the United Arab Republic, I wish to congratulate and welcome the three new Members to our Organization. My country has old and traditional ties with both its sister African countries of Malawi and Zambia. Equally, we have historic relationships with the new State of Malta, Malawi, Zambia and Malta, we are confident, newly emerging into statehood and independence, will contribute effectively and positively to the labour of this Organization. My delegation is looking forward to co-operating with them in dealing with the numerous problems before the United Nations.
35. The year 1964 has witnessed several important international gatherings dedicated to peace and justice. Only a few weeks ago, the non-aligned countries met in Cairo for their second conference to consider the international situation: this Conference adopted a programme for peace and international co-operation, which offers positive solutions to the various problems of our generation. The General Assembly, in dealing with the various items of its agenda, would do well to take into consideration the proposals of the non-aligned countries, for these proposals are based on a realistic and objective analysis of the present situation of international relations.
36. Earlier, from 17 to 21 July 1964, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity held its first session in Cairo and immediately came to grips with the problems facing Africa and the world. The resolutions adopted at this meeting are of far-reaching consequences for Africa. These resolutions of the independent African States represent the unity of thought and action of free Africa.
37. Together with these two important Conferences, the United Arab Republic also played host to the Heads of the Arab States, who met twice to examine in a brotherly and frank atmosphere, inter-Arab as well as other problems. They also reaffirmed their adherence to the principles of peace and justice in their region and throughout the world.
38. These conferences underlined a new and constructive force in international relations. The Conference of the Non-Aligned Countries, representing the aspirations of millions of peoples, gave expression to a policy determined to enhance the opportunities for peace and justice. Moreover, the African and Arab summit meetings emphasized the principle of collective regional responsibility. The independent countries of a region are naturally the most able and competent parties to deal with the problems concerning their region. Their policies and actions, emanating from the principle of collective regional responsibility, should therefore be respected and accepted by the rest of the international community. This is a fact which is even envisaged in the Charter of the United Nations, for Chapter VIII is entirely devoted to this conception.
39. Since the birth of the United Nations, this Organization has been brought gradually into step with the movement for decolonization, and has witnessed the achievement of independence by many peoples. The Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples stands as a landmark for the United Nations. Its full implementation remains one of the primary responsibilities of this Organization.
40. The struggle of millions of peoples against the forces of colonialism and foreign domination is both just and honourable. The Organization of African Unity is rightly committed to assist the African peoples, still under colonial rule, in the exercise of their inherent right to self-determination and independence. The independent African countries have the historic responsibility of helping their brothers in their heroic struggle. The colonial Powers should realize, therefore, the futility of their desperate and violent attempt to suppress the movement of millions of peoples towards freedom and dignity, for this movement is destined to- victory.
41. In Africa, the peoples of Southern Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique and South West Africa, among other territories, are engaged in a sacred battle to regain their freedom and human dignity. The colonial Powers, minority governments and foreign interests form an alliance bent on the defeat of the African liberation movements in these territories.
42. Consequently, the task of rendering Africa fully free is still unfinished. The independent African countries are discharging their responsibilities through the machinery of the Organization of African Unity. On the other hand, the potentialities inherent in the United Nations must be fully mobilized with a view to accelerating the transfer of these territories into a state of freedom and equality. There should no longer be any doubt as to the international tension and threats to world peace, resulting from policies of colonialism, imperialism and neo-colonialism.
43. The Government of Portugal, therefore, cannot possibly escape the inevitable, which is the ultimate victory of the peoples of Angola and Mozambique. The white minority in Southern Rhodesia also will have to listen to the voice of reason, and submit to the will of the native majority population.
44. British colonialism in the southern and eastern parts of the Arabian Peninsula remains a major threat to international peace and security in that part of the world. The policy still being followed by the United Kingdom toward this region is in total disregard of the spirit of our time, and constitutes a grave violation of the principle enunciated in the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. We have no doubt that the honourable struggle of the Arab people in that part of the Arabian Peninsula is destined to achieve its objectives.
45. The United Kingdom, on the other hand, should reverse its negative policy and recognize instead the national aspirations of the Arab people in this region. In so doing, the United Kingdom Government would be acting in accordance with the numerous resolutions adopted by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and endorsed by the General Assembly on several occasions.
46. The various recommendations recently submitted by the Sub-Committee on Aden and the Aden Protectorates [A/5800/Add.4], established by the Committee of Twenty-Four, are all pertinent, and require full implementation on the part of the United Kingdom Government. These recommendations, which were fully endorsed by the Committee of Twenty-Four, are based on the inherent right of the Arab people in this part of the Arabian Peninsula to choose their political future without intimidation, oppression, or suppression of human as well as political rights.
47. The dangers and threats emanating from the large military base in Aden constitute a peril to the security and the liberation movement in the area. This is a fact which has been rightly recognized by the General Assembly as well as by the Committee of Twenty-Four. The Government of the United Arab Republic is naturally concerned about the dangers of the colonial policy in both the southern and eastern parts of the Arabian Peninsula. Thus, in Oman as in Aden, the British colonial policy must be brought to an end so that the Arab people of this part of the world can regain their inherent rights to freedom and equality.
48. Foreign domination, which lasted for centuries in Africa, has been by no means confined to political and economic exploitation. Colonialism, based on the fallacious myth of racial supremacy, has engulfed a great portion of the African continent, and a great number of its people, in the dark and hated policy of apartheid. The minority government of South Africa stands as a symbol of hate, and in absolute defiance of human civilization. The only course of action open today to the international community is to mobilize all its efforts to force the Government of South Africa into the realm of reason and sanity. Thus, it becomes imperative that those countries which are still maintaining diplomatic or trade relations with South Africa, join the efforts of the African countries in isolating the Government of South Africa by imposing diplomatic and economic sanctions, and thereby force it to abandon its hated policy of apartheid.
49. Foreign domination, exploitation, and racialism, as inflicted upon the people of South Africa, South West Africa, and Southern Rhodesia, are the policies which have been brought to operate, in their entirety, against the Arab people of Palestine. A betrayal of the mandate in Palestine created a situation where foreigners, illegally imported from all corners of the world, were enabled to occupy Palestine and brutally expel its inhabitants from their homes and their land. Thus the Arab people of Palestine were forced across the borders, and turned into a nation of refugees.
50. This conspiracy, planned and executed by the combined forces of colonialism and Zionism, subjected the Arab people of Palestine to a form of colonialism which is as unique in modern history as is their tragedy. The continued aggression in Palestine is still carried out by the Israeli authorities, and thus the Arab people of Palestine remain deprived of their basic and fundamental rights.
51. The delegation of the Arab people of Palestine will report to you in time on the latest developments concerning their endeavour to regain these rights. Of particular significance among these developments is the National Congress of the representatives of the Arab people of Palestine, which was held last May in the holy city of Jerusalem. In that Congress, the representatives of the Arab people of Palestine announced the formation of the Organization for the Liberation of Palestine. This organization is pledged to restore to the Arab people of Palestine their rights, which so far have been denied them by force. In their just struggle they rightly seek the support of all freedom-loving peoples; and my country, faithful to its principles and responsibilities, shall not fail to support them in this honourable straggle.
52. The forces of colonialism and foreign domination, faced with the ever-increasing strength of nationalism, are engaged in a further attempt to reduce to mere facades the hard-gained independence in Africa and elsewhere. Neo-colonialism acquires various forms and resorts to a variety of methods, all aimed at retaining influence in newly independent countries. Moreover, colonial countries have continued to maintain military bases designed to retain their influence in their old colonies, as well as to threaten the movement for freedom in neighbouring territories.
53. The right to independence and self-determination is so fundamental that it should not be allowed to be a subject of bargaining. In several situations where the colonial countries insisted on making the granting of independence conditional on the maintenance of military bases, only tensions and instability have resulted. Moreover, the presence of alien military forces in any country against its expressed will directly violates its political independence and territorial integrity. These military bases further constitute a threat, not only to international peace and security, but also to the neighbouring population aspiring to freedom and independence. In the common search for the consolidation of international peace and security, as well as the strengthening of the liberation movement, the policy of maintaining such military bases must be brought to an end.
54. The latest events in the Congo involve policies and actions which raise fundamental questions with respect to some basic principles of the United Nations Charter. The civil strife and the instability which prevail today in the Congo result directly from a systematic policy of foreign intervention by Powers from outside Africa. This policy of intervention has continued ever since the Congo attained its independence. Had the Congolese people been left free to exercise their own independence from the outset, they would have been spared a great deal of suffering. Neither would this Organization have been cal led upon to devote so much effort and so many resources, which today seem to have been almost in vain.
55. But the highest sacrifices of all are those of the Congolese people themselves, whose political independence and territorial integrity have been systematically violated by forces of colonialism and neocolonialism. The thousands of Congolese people would not have died had there been respect by all for the political independence and territorial Integrity of the Congo, as well as the numerous resolutions of the United Nations specifically prohibiting foreign intervention.
56. During the latest stage of the Congolese problem, the Organization of African Unity engaged itself with serious efforts aimed at a policy of reason and conciliation. This policy remains today the only conceivable instrument in the interest of the Congo, Africa, the United Nations and the world.
57. The Ad Hoc Commission on the Congo, established by the Organization of African Unity and composed of twelve members of that organization under the effective leadership of His Excellency Jomo Kenyatta, President of Kenya, has a mandate to find a solution to the Congolese question based on the principle of national conciliation, and an end to civil strife. The Ad Hoc Commission was thus engaged in an effort aimed at avoiding the shedding of blood, both of Congolese people and non-Congolese. It was not until there was foreign intervention, culminating in a most regrettable form — that is, the use force against the territorial integrity of the Congo — that the lives of thousands of Congolese and non-Congolese came into immediate danger.
58. Foreign intervention on the part of Belgium and the United States jeopardized the efforts of the Ad Hoc Commission to bring about an acceptable solution to the Congolese question. As a result of foreign intervention, the problem of the Congo thus emerged with even more complications, leading to the deteriorating situation we are facing in the Congo today.
59. The delegation of the United Arab Republic feels it imperative to emphasize that a policy of systematic foreign intervention, whose instruments are all alien and hostile to the dignity of Africa and the African people, is a policy which is doomed to failure. On the other hand, the efforts of the Organization of African Unity to find an African solution in the interest of the Congo as a whole, as well as Africans a policy which should be supported by all and respected by all, for it is a policy which is bound, ultimately, to prevail. As the Congo question is already being discussed in the Security Council, I have considered it appropriate to confine my remarks to aspects related to the general principles of the Congo question.
60. The situation in Cyprus is one which my country has watched with the utmost concern. We have always believed that the people of Cyprus are inherently capable of solving their own difficulties. It is still our view that Cyprus, as a sovereign, independent State, is entitled to all its sovereign rights, and that the Cypriot people should be left free to decide their future in the exercise of their inherent right to self-determination.
61. I have already outlined the position of the United Arab Republic with regard to important questions related to our part of the world. I turn now to questions of concern to the international community as a whole.
62. The world is still suffering from the chronic problem of the aims race. The untold human and financial resources devoted to this policy of insanity and blindness contribute only to the perpetuation of a state of cold war and international tension, while the people of Asia, Africa and Latin America are engaged in a serious battle of survival against poverty, disease and illiteracy.
63. Since its inception in 1945, the United Nations has been engaged almost continuously in the deliberations of disarmament, the last round, of which has taken place within the framework of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament in Geneva. The United Arab Republic is a member of this Committee, and to the best of Usability is making its contribution to these deliberations. Yet the achievements in the general field of disarmament can hardly be considered encouraging. For the overdue agreement on partial cessation of nuclear tests, signed in Moscow last year, still remains as an isolated beginning of an unfulfilled course. The natural steps to make the Treaty of Moscow both universal and comprehensive have not followed. Two of the five nuclear Powers still have not adhered to this treaty, nor has there been an agreement on the cessation of underground tests.
64. The non-aligned countries participating in the disarmament negotiations have offered various proposals, and we appeal to the parties concerned to avail themselves of these recommendations.
65. Another aspect of the problem of disarmament, of no less importance, is related to the question of dissemination of nuclear weapons. As the production of nuclear weapons goes on unchecked, the problem grows worse in relation to the possibilities of their dissemination.
66. In this respect, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, which met in Cairo last July, adopted a highly significant resolution. The members of the Organization of African Unity solemnly declared their readiness to undertake in an international treaty, to be concluded under the auspices of the United Nations, not to manufacture of acquire control of nuclear weapons. The independent African countries further called upon all other peace-loving nations to adhere to this undertaking. Moreover, the Assembly of the Organization of African Unity invited the General Assembly of the United Nations, at its nineteenth session, to approve that declaration and take the necessary measures to convene an international conference with a view to concluding an international treaty to this effect. This proposal was endorsed and supported by the Second Conference of the Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries. The delegation of the United Arab Republic trusts that this proposal will receive the approval of the General Assembly.
67. In the field of outer space, the mutual undertaking between the United States and the Soviet Union to refrain from orbiting weapons of mass destruction in outer space constitutes an important step in setting a tone of peace in space. This undertaking should naturally be followed by other steps to secure that outer space be used exclusively for peaceful purposes.
68. Parallel to this, mass exploration of outer space should proceed on the basis of international cooperation, which should be the most logical method to enhance man's interest in this new field.
69. The questions of disarmament and the peaceful uses of atomic energy and outer space are of paramount significance to all mankind. The resources already being devoted to arms and to the maintenance of a state of cold war could and should be directed, instead, towards the alleviation of man's ills and the betterment of his standard of living in economic, social and cultural fields.
70. Millions of peoples all over the globe are still subjected to appalling conditions of poverty, disease and illiteracy. Indeed, it is a shame for the civilization of the twentieth century that famine is still a cause of death for thousands of people. The task of maintaining international peace and security, as experience has proven, does not depend only on finding political solutions or solving territorial questions. It also, and indeed directly, depends on attaining sound economic and social conditions for all peoples.
71. The gap which separates the developed countries on the one hand, and the developing countries on the other, is great indeed. This is a situation which requires direct and vigorous efforts on the part of all —developing countries and developed countries as well — to make international social justice not merely a fiction, but rather a tenable objective.
72. The historical and social circumstances, and above all the patterns of relationships which have existed in the past, largely explain this deplorable fact of division which exists today. Furthermore, the world's population, particularly in the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, is increasing at a rate unprecedented in history, thus adding to the complexity of their development and their aspirations for a higher standard of living.
73. With this world picture, it becomes absolutely imperative to realize that the problem of development of the developing countries cannot possibly be solved except on a basis of collective responsibility. The developed countries, therefore, have a distinct obligation in assisting the developing countries to achieve a better standard of living.
74. Some modest steps in this direction have already been set in motion. In the last few years there have been several attempts to focus attention on the problems of development and international trade. The 1962 Cairo Conference for developing countries, as well as the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held in Geneva earlier this year, have both played a significant role in identifying the issues and problems of development and trade. The discussions in these two conferences, as well as other forums, have resulted in various proposals and suggestions, most of which need only the will and sincerity of all concerned to transform them into reality.
75. Foreign aid in both the financial and technical fields is an essential element for enabling the developing countries to reach a reasonable stage of development. Foreign aid, however, should not be a means of bringing pressure on developing countries, nor should it be a method of political or ideological interference. Rather, it is a right to which the developing countries are entitled.
76. In the course of the last decade, the world has been constantly undergoing tremendous change in all dimensions — politically, scientifically, economically and ideologically. As a result, new problems and patterns are emerging, affecting old balances of power and creating new ones.
77. This fact, prevailing over a world with different ideologies and social systems, made the policy of peaceful coexistence, in our opinion, an essential factor in maintaining international peace and security. Our adherence to the policy of peaceful coexistence is based on our deep conviction that in present circumstances mankind must regard peaceful coexistence as the only way to strengthen world peace based on freedom, equality and justice.
78. Furthermore, it is our belief that the principles of peaceful coexistence emanate from the right of all peoples to be free and to choose their own political, economic and social systems according to their own national identity and free from all forms of foreign domination.
79. On the other hand, our adherence to the policy of peaceful coexistence is based on our faith that it will lead ultimately to a state of maximum international co-operation among all nations. The United Arab Republic believes that all efforts should be channelled towards this objective. We are confident that the genius of man is inherently capable of reaching this goal through a course of reason and tolerance.
80. The Charter of the United Nations has conceived this Organization to be universal in character, comprising all States and providing a true gathering place for all Powers. It would be inconceivable to expect the Organization to act in harmony and efficacy unless its actions are based on the participation of all nations. Thus the United Arab Republic, cannot possibly accept the theory of fiction designed to exclude China from this Organization. The harmful effects of such a negative policy are being increasingly demonstrated. The efficiency and utility of the United Nations will remain inadequate until the question of China's representation is faced with realism and objectivity. We trust, therefore, that the nineteenth session of the General Assembly will take a firm stand on this cardinal question, reverse the negative trend which has so far prevailed, and offer the seat of China to its true representatives.
81. At present the United Nations is engulfed in a crisis which is already overshadowing and affecting its work. This crisis is related to the role of the United Nations in the field of peace-keeping operations. An erroneous impression has been created that this crisis concerns only two of the big Powers. In our view, any question which affects the Organization is, and should be, the concern of all Member States, big and small. We are all familiar with the different theories concerning past and future peace-keeping operations. Matters of basic principles are both invoked and involved in these theories. On the other hand, various solutions have been advocated by various Powers and groups in the United Nations.
82. In our view, the solution of the present crisis should be based on the interests of this Organization and aimed at strengthening its role, and in so doing, we should benefit from the experiences of the past. The United Arab Republic, together with other Member States, has not hesitated to pronounce its views, in various forums, on this question. We consider of the utmost importance that all opinions, all proposals and even all apprehensions, should be utilized positively and urgently, so that the United Nations will survive this crisis and function normally, devoting all its resources to the various problems on its agenda.
83. In a few months the United Nations will celebrate its twentieth anniversary. With its Members more than doubled, with the great developments in international life since the adoption of the Charter, and with new problems and perils, as well as new potentialities and resources, it is appropriate for us — all of us — to pause and objectively and positively evaluate old assumptions in the light of new realities, for it is our belief that this Organization should be allowed to benefit from twenty years of experience in its search for all avenues to consolidate and further strengthen its role and increase its efficacy.
84. It is the duty of all of us to engage ourselves in this effort of reappraisal. Indeed, the need to start this debate is obviously becoming urgent. An attitude of frankness is an essential prerequisite to carry such a debate to its ultimate objective, that is, a stronger and more effective United Nations, for man's interest in a stronger United Nations forms an integral part of his continuous struggle to achieve a happier world.