Uganda

148. Allow me, Mr. President, to extend to you my delegation’s warm congratulations and those of the Uganda Government on your election as President of this Assembly. Your unanimous election is of special, significance to Africa and its friends, and points to a bright future in which Africa hopes to play an increasingly significant and effective role in the affairs not only of this Assembly, but also of all organs of the United Nations. 149. Your capabilities and your personal warmth and magnanimity have impressed all those who have worked closely with you. My delegation has full confidence that, under your wise and experienced guidance, this Assembly, although confronted with some of the most intractable problems in its history, will yet emerge triumphant and in a position to justify the confidence that the vast millions of the human race have reposed in it. 150. The Uganda delegation welcomes the emancipation of Malawi and Zambia, countries which were once part and parcel of the hated, white-dominated Central African Federation, and I see it as a triumph of African determination in the struggle for dignity find political freedom based on the principle of majority rule. We also warmly welcome Malta as a full Member of the United Nations and look forward to close co-operation with the Maltese people in our struggle to raise the standard of living of our people and to maintain peace. 151. Uganda would like to pay a tribute to the memory of the late President John F. Kennedy, the late Prime Minister Nehru and the late Milton Margai, whose deaths not only inflicted a heavy blow on their nations, but also robbed the world of champions of freedom, peace and social justice. May their example guide and inspire more world leaders in the struggle to establish a world order based on international brotherhood and justice. 152. The general world situation since the last session of the Assembly has not improved according to our hopes. There has been no progress towards general and complete disarmament; the partial test ban treaty has remained partial and has not been extended to cover all nuclear tests including those underground. The Uganda delegation is disappointed that the "nuclear club" ha3 expanded. China has joined this club by carrying out its own explosion in the atmosphere. Uganda has always opposed nuclear tests by any country, not only because they are wasteful but also because they are a dangerous pastime threatening the future of mankind. The expansion of the "nuclear club" has once again emphasised the great urgency for action by the United Nations to ensure that the Organization becomes fully universal. 153. My delegation, as it did at the last session, attaches great importance to the admission of China to the United Nations. We have on many occasions made our position clear. Indeed, we maintain that the admission of China is one of the most pressing problems if the United Nations is to be a strong Organization embracing all the nations of the world. It is therefore, the hope of my delegation that, in our deliberations, we shall not be blinded by ideological differences but rather motivated by the realities of the current international situation and the noble aims of the Charter. 154. It has been argued in some quarters that the People's Republic of China should be excluded because it does not conform to the provisions of Article 4 of the Charter, which stipulates that "Membership in the United Nations is open to all other peace-loving States which accept the obligations contained in the present Charter ... ". Since the essence of this organization is to lay down and enforce certain rules of international behaviour, a vicious circle is at once created, for the People’s Republic of China cannot be expected to abide by the terms of the Charter until it has gained admission. We have no proof that China which, as we all know, was a founding Member, is not able and willing to carry out the obligations contained in the present Charter. 155. It has been further argued that to admit China, now that it has become a nuclear Power, would be to pursue a policy of appeasement tantamount to giving way to threats and menaces. While my delegation categorically condemns explosions of nuclear weapons by any country, I feel that the acquisition of nuclear weapons by China has demonstrated more clearly than ever before the absurdity of regarding China as a delinquent school boy who should be kept safely in a corner in the hope that this will keep him out of mischief. Now that China is a nuclear Power, it must not be permitted to continue outside the pale of the nuclear test ban treaty and must forthwith be admitted as a full Member of this Organization. 156. In the submission of my delegation, the question whether there is one China or two should not be permitted to cloud the issue. The People’s Republic of China, representing as it does the world's oldest and most populous country, must be represented in this Organization. 157. In considering the question of the admission of the People's Republic of China, we must not be prejudiced by ideological, economic or political considerations. We should be guided only by our determination to make this Organization truly universal and an effective instrument for the preservation of world peace. 158. Because of the unique geographical position of Uganda, we have for decades had large numbers of people swelling our population from the five countries with which we share a common border. In the last three years, however, the influx of people pouring in across the Uganda border from Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and, more recently, from the Southern Sudan as refugees have created an extremely critical situation which calls for special attention on the part of this Organization. 159. Many countries in the world are faced with a rising tide of refugees, who continue to seek asylum in neighbouring territories. In my submission, however, Uganda has been hardest hit. This is partly because of the timing of the blow—falling as it did immediately before and after independence, partly because the resulting expenditure is very high in relation to the gross national product of Uganda, and also because, due to geographical circumstances, Uganda has been the victim of a three-pronged assault of refugees mounted simultaneously from its western, southern and northern neighbours. Matters have reached such a pass that today Uganda is giving asylum to over 100,000 refugees, which represents an unexpected rise in our population of nearly 1.5 per cent within a matter of three years. Refugees have received direct support from the Uganda Government, and large sums have been spent in providing relief and resettlement. 160. Uganda is appreciative of the help so far given by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other international organizations. It is, however, my delegation's view that the problem posed by African refugees has not received the serious attention it deserves from this Organization. So long as some major Powers continue to maintain that refugees are the responsibility of the countries of asylum, the collective might of this Organization will never be brought to bear on this problem. 161. I am aware of the fact that there is a Refugees Commission of the Organization of African Unity trying to grapple with this problem. But we believe that until the internal situation in the countries of origin is ameliorated, thus making it possible for all their citizens to live in peace, we shall continue to be faced with the problem of providing the bare necessities of life for men, women and children who have fled their countries of origin in search of asylum. 162. Internal problems are not confined to any particular country. We all have them. But most of us are able to solve them within our borders. In other cases they overflow and thus affect the neighbouring countries, becoming, in the case of Africa, the joint responsibility of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations. 163. In the Congo, the problems have certainly overflowed and have been and still are affecting its neighbours. The Uganda delegation would like to pause at this juncture and highlight some of the problems involved. 164. Firstly, we believe that, since it gained its independence, the main problem facing the Congo has been the lack of a popular leader acceptable to and also able to control the whole country and to establish a government strong enough to maintain law and order. Even after the defeat of secessionist Katanga, the Congo lacked a leader to unify the country. That problem, in the opinion of the Uganda delegation, cannot be solved from outside, but the Organization of African Unity and other well-wishers could help the Congolese in finding a leader acceptable to them. We are convinced that this is a political problem, and a political approach would stand a better chance of success than a military one. 165. Secondly, it has been argued in some quarters that other countries are helping the legal Government of the Congo. While not disagreeing with that, we must remember that it was President Kasavubu who appealed to the Organization of African Unity as the only organ that was capable of helping the Congo in its troubles. Unfortunately, it was not possible for his Government and the other Governments concerned in the Congo to co-operate with the Reconciliation Commission. Instead, plans of military conquest using white mercenaries went ahead, thus ruling out completely the opportunity for peaceful reconciliation. 166. We consider that even after the blunders of the past, which led to the recent massacres, not only of whites — as some quarters would have us believe — but also of thousands of Africans, it is not too late to persuade Mr. Tshombe and his helpers to stop fighting and withdraw the white mercenaries. That would enable the Reconciliation Commission to visit the Congo and determine what aid would be necessary in maintaining law and order and assisting the Congolese to obtain a government of their own choosing. 167. We consider that the present trend of supporting one person and establishing and maintaining his rule by military force is not only unfortunate but dangerous for newly independent States. If we assume, as we must necessarily do, that sovereignty is vested and should at all times be vested in the people, then it is a negation of democracy for large Powers, through military aid, to throw in their weight in favour of a leader of their own choice, who may not be acceptable to the people. If that trend continues, small States will have to think seriously of their future security and continued independence. It is important to draw a distinction, however, between military assistance given to a popular government of a country and assistance given to one faction in a country and aimed at establishing one regime against another, as is now the case in the Congo. 168. The Uganda delegation appeals to all foreign Powers involved in the Congo situation to use their influence to end the fighting, which has resulted in the unnecessary loss of so many lives. It is also vital that the white mercenaries should be withdrawn, in order to give the Reconciliation Commission a chance to tackle the problem. 169. Like the Congo, Southern Rhodesia is by no means past redemption. My delegation warmly welcomes the recent statements made by the new United Kingdom Government, warning the white minority of the dangerous consequences of a unilateral declaration of independence. My delegation, welcoming that realistic and firm stand, sincerely hopes that such a stand will be maintained. It is possible for a peaceful and acceptable solution to the Southern Rhodesia problem to be found. It is vital that the African leaders who are now illegally detained should be freed. Uganda firmly believes that a constitutional conference should be convened and attended by representatives of all political parties. Such a conference would work out a constitution based on the principle of majority rule which would lead the country to independence. 170. Our stand has already been made clear — that if the minority regime declares unilateral independence, we not only should oppose its admission into any of the international or regional organs to which we belong, but also should seriously consider recognizing a government in exile that might be formed. But we are optimistic and think that the smooth passage to independence of Zambia will act as a guide. We shall be happy to welcome the true representatives of Southern Rhodesia at the next session of the United Nations General Assembly. 171. The position of the Uganda Government on the territories under Portuguese administration has already been stated. The basic issue is Portugal’s insistence that Angola and Mozambique are not colonies but part of metropolitan Portugal, thus denying to the people of those colonies any possibility of moving towards self-determination and independence. Portugal’s oppressive and discriminatory policies, and more recently its brutal attacks on and bombing of villages in Angola and Mozambique, demand the immediate attention of this Assembly, and especially of the great Powers which supply arms to Portugal. We cannot be indifferent to the fact that lives are being lost in those two unfortunate countries. 172. The Uganda Government will not relax its policy of trade sanctions against Portugal. We appeal to Portugal to end its unrealistic policy and follow the example of the other colonial Powers, so that both Angola and Mozambique may peacefully gain their independence. 173. In considering the question of Southwest Africa, the United Nations is faced with the doctrine and practice of apartheid and all its attendant evils spreading to a Trust Territory entrusted to this Organization. The attempted annexation of the Territory of South West Africa by South Africa is contrary to the spirit and the letter of the Charter and should stand condemned by all Members of the United Nations. 174. However, the biggest problem is posed by South Africa and its policy of apartheid. The Draconian laws, the massacres, the trumped-up charges, the trials and sentences of innocent people are unacceptable and are reminiscent of Nazi Germany. But the indifference, nay, the tacit support, of the Western Powers for so atrocious a system is perhaps the most heinous of crimes committed against Africa since the days of the slave trade. 175. Nothing unites African peoples more closely than their opposition to apartheid and all its manifestations. Africa is determined to rid itself of this obnoxious policy, and we realize that our own independence and self-respect will be ineffective so long as black men elsewhere in Africa, indeed everywhere in the world, are still held in bondage on grounds of their colour. To resolve this problem, one of three courses of action has to be adopted: First, trying to appeal to the conscience of the white settlers in South Africa by persuasion; secondly, bringing pressure to bear on South Africa by the imposition of economic sanctions; thirdly, waging war. 176. The first course should be dismissed outright as utterly ineffective. The South African Government has by its public utterances and actions left no doubt whatever that it is bent on the abhorrent policy of apartheid, whatever the rest of the world may think or say. The Minister for Bantu Affairs recently said: "South Africa is threatened by Black States driven by international Communism. They are conducting a hate campaign against the Republic. She was also threatened by disloyal elements inside the country and, worst of all, by voices advocating that concessions should be made. There was no turning away from the road followed by the Government. This policy aims at racial purity." The emphasis on racial purity could have come from the lips of Hitler himself. 177. Exertion of pressure is the only course of action which will bring about sure results with the minimum cost in life and human suffering. 178. Having failed to appeal to the conscience of the South African white settler in the first instance, the African States find themselves at the mercy of the major Western trading countries. If the United Kingdom, the United States of America, France, Japan and the Federal Republic of Germany were to agree to economic sanctions, the battle would be won. I must also appeal to all countries, and in particular to socialist countries, not to exploit the vacuum that would thus be created. A peaceful and speedy solution of the South African problem is not only in the best interest of South Africa, but also in the long-term interests of its major economic partners themselves. 179. The continued frustration of the non-whites who comprise the majority of mankind Is leading to a polarization of nations along racial lines, and may well lead to a breakdown of the United Nations. If a peaceful solution cannot be found, then a shooting war would be the only way out. But I am sure that no Member of the United Nations would seriously welcome such a development. We know that South Africa is arming itself to the teeth. We also know that, under an agreement signed in 1959, it was admitted to the nuclear club. It is my delegation's hope that the big Powers, which more than any other countries are responsible for the maintenance of world peace, will do all they can to avert a head-on collision which might result from this highly explosive situation, 180. Unlike the eighteenth session, this session opened in an atmosphere of doubt and fear, created by the extremely explosive situation concerning payment for peace-keeping operations; The question now is whether Members of the United Nations will be able to find a permanent solution to this problem, which threatens the very existence of our Organization. It is my delegation’s considered opinion that all Member States, large and small, should regard the present problem as their problem. We should attempt to find a compromise solution which is in accordance with the basic principles of this Organization. In the crisis which has developed over the interpretation of Article 19 of the Charter, the small and medium, nations are in a better position to look at the issue impartially. To them, this is not a question of who is right but what is right, and wherein lie the best interests of the United Nations. 181. My delegation is encouraged to note that the two sides are not adopting an unyielding attitude on the issue. 182. The problem we are facing is not a straightforward one of enforcing Article 19 of the Charter and thus only penalizing Member States which are in arrears; it is an extremely complicated and dangerous situation. One does not have to be an expert jurist of international law to observe that, right from the outset when the United Nations Charter was being worked out at the Conferences of Dumbarton Oaks and Yalta, it was the clear intention of founder Members that the key organ of the United Nations in the preservation of world peace was to be the Security Council. The salient features of the Charter are: First, the special position of the Security Council as the sole depository of world peace and international security; secondly, the provision that, apart from procedural and, therefore, relatively unimportant matters, the Security Council could not function save by a consensus of the five permanent members. 183. This undemocratic procedure, where all the big five have to agree before important decisions affecting international peace can be taken, has proved to be the main weakness of the Security Council, and it has also led to frustrations, accusations and counteraccusations on the part of the big five. 184. The Charter having vested in the Security Council the responsibility for world peace and international security, proceeded by a stroke of the same pen to render it ineffective by providing the big five with a veto. 185. The present controversy over payments for peace-keeping operations has arisen because the provisions of the Charter have proved vague and unworkable. Instead of amending the Charter to bring it into line with the realities of the present-day situation, an attempt has been made from time to time to bypass the Security Council and to confer on the General Assembly, and also on the Secretary-General, powers which were never intended by the signatories of the Charter in 1945. 186. The General Assembly throughout the Charter is envisaged as a deliberative and recommendatory organ is dealing with international peace and security. Nowhere in the Charter is the General Assembly given powers of action in respect of peace-keeping matters, and the Secretary-General is not even mentioned in the Charter in connexion with the carrying out of peace-keeping operations. 187. The General Assembly is expressly enjoined to refer any questions on which action of a peacekeeping nature is necessary to the Security Council, and no provision is made in the Charter to meet a situation where the Security Council is either unable or unwilling to act. There is not even a provision authorizing the Security Council to divest itself of its powers in favour of the General Assembly. 188. In the view of my delegation, the last word on this question of peace-keeping operations has still to be said. One thing, however, must be emphasized. The Charter must be amended. The veto must go and the Military Staff Committee contemplated under Article 47 must be rendered effective as a matter of urgency, 189. It is quite wrong to regard as sacrosanct or inviolable a document drawn up twenty years ago by fewer than half a dozen Members and signed by less than half the present membership of this Organization. 190. My Government participated with great interest and hope in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in Geneva, the main purpose of which was to adopt a programme of practical action in the field of international trade aimed at increasing the exports and export earnings of developing countries and accelerating the pace of their economic development. 191. Although not fully satisfied with the results of the Conference, Uganda welcomed the good start that was made, and in particular the recommendation to establish a continuing machinery as an organ of the United Nations to deal with world trade. We believe that the efforts exerted and the various recommendations made in Geneva could be taken a stage further through the continuing machinery, so that the hopes and expectations of the international community generally, and of the developing countries in particular, may soon be realized. The Uganda Government considers this urgent and important because, as we stated in Geneva, Uganda’s economy is based on export earnings from cotton and coffee, two products which have perhaps had the greatest fluctuations in value, to the detriment of our economic plans. It is disappointing to recollect, for instance, that if the prices obtainable on the world market for those two crops in the early fifties were still current, our gross domestic income this year would be almost double what it is at present. 192. It is the earnest hope of the Government of Uganda that the United Nations General Assembly will soon be in a position to approve and adopt the Final Act of the Conference on Trade and Development and establish a permanent United Nations body. My Government hopes, therefore, that this process will not be delayed unduly by the reopening of another general discussion on subjects covered at the Conference. 193. Uganda welcomes the Secretary-General's decision to start a United Nations Training Research Institute. We have pledged ourselves to support it, and it is our sincere hope that, through its training programmes, the United Nations Secretariat and the staff of all United Nations organs will become more representative and better reflect the composition of the United Nations. 194. In conclusion, I should like to express my Government's sincere gratitude and thanks to the Secretary-General and all United Nations staff for the wonderful help rendered to us in our attempts to grapple with so many of the problems that face us. 195. Even without material or other benefits, Uganda's faith in the United Nations is strong. We believe that, given goodwill and co-operation among all Member States, we shall find answers to the problems before this nineteenth session and ensure the continued existence of the United Nations.