134. Mr. President, permit me to congratulate you on your election to the high post of President of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We welcome, in your person, the representatives of a friendly country, Ghana, which, under the leadership of its President and our friend, Mr. Kwame Nkrumah, is playing a distinguished progressive role in the historic struggle of the African peoples for the liberation of Africa and for its political, economic and cultural development. We value highly the active participation of the African countries in the efforts to strengthen world peace and bring about a peaceful solution of the burning problems of our time. We are confident that under your presidency all the important questions on the agenda of this session will be discussed in a constructive spirit, and that the work of this General Assembly will assist in the implementation of the noble principle incorporated in the United Nations Charter.
135. We are glad to welcome new Members to the United Nations — Malawi, Malta and Zambia — and believe that their presence and active participation will contribute to the further development of international co-operation.
136. In the world of today, the only reasonable foreign policy in relations among States with different social systems is the policy of peaceful coexistence. The existence of thermonuclear weapons of mass destruction only underlines the vital importance of this policy for the future fate of mankind,
137. We note with satisfaction that in recent years certain positive results have been achieved in lessening international tension. I have particularly in mind the well-known measures agreed upon in 1963: the Moscow Treaty for a partial ban on nuclear tests, the agreements not to place in orbit objects carrying nuclear weapons [see resolution 1884 (XVIII)], the declaration by the Governments of the USSR, the United States and the United Kingdom of April 1964 on the limitation of production of fissionable materials for military purposes and the reduction of the military budgets of the USSR, the United States and a number of other countries including my own. Peace-loving people all over the world have welcomed these measures as the first steps towards the triumph of reasonable and realistic policies over the forces of the "cold war".
138. To a decisive extent these positive results were facilitated by the consistently peaceful policy of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries and by their untiring efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement of outstanding international problems. Czechoslovak foreign policy takes an active part in strengthening peace, friendship and understanding among nations and fully supports the efforts and steps of other countries to the same ends.
139. As was stressed by the President of the Republic, Mr. Novotny, on the occasion of the visit by the Czechoslovak Party and State delegation to the Soviet Union on 3 December 1964, the efforts of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in the field of foreign policy are consistently guided by Leninist principles of the policy of peaceful coexistence among countries with different social systems, and are based on the assumption that world thermonuclear war can be avoided and also upon a purposeful endeavour to give international assistance to the struggle for peace, freedom and the security of the peoples.
140. The Czechoslovak Government and people highly appreciate the great contribution made by the non- aligned countries in the peoples' struggle against imperialism and colonialism and for a solution of the main international problems of the day with a view to strengthening the peace and security of all peoples. The concluding declaration by the recent Conference of representatives of those countries in Cairo will, we believe, assuredly find positive reflection at the nineteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly.
141. However, there are forces in the world that do not welcome any positive trends in international relations. This is borne out by the continuous and recently intensified efforts of the imperialist forces, the old and new colonizers, to exacerbate international relations anew, to suppress the national liberation struggle and to interfere in every way in the domestic affairs of independent States.
142. The hostile acts of the United States against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the United States armed intervention in South Viet-Nam are extremely dangerous. Czechoslovakia is not indifferent to the fate of a fraternal socialist country, the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, and stands firmly side by side with it. The imperialist provocations in South-East Asia, also directed against the independence and sovereignty of Laos and Cambodia, are flagrant violations of the Geneva Agreements and may have serious consequences. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic condemns those acts and supports the just struggle of the peoples of South-East Asia for free and independent development without imperialist intervention.
143. We also give our sympathy and support to the just struggle of the Korean people for the withdrawal of United States troops from the southern part of the country and the peaceful reunification of their homeland.
144. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has supported and will continue firmly to support the just cause of Cuba, against which the imperialist reactionary forces are organizing an economic and political blockade, creating and supporting bands of saboteurs and preparing for actions aimed at changing by force the social system in Cuba. This policy, expressed in the illegal decisions of the Organization of American States, is in flagrant contradiction with the principles of international law and of the Charter of the United Nations and is absolutely condemned by world public opinion, as it deserves to be.
145. It is high time the United States and certain other countries put an end to this policy and finally recognized the fact that a free and independent Cuba, whose people has been successfully building socialism for several years now, does exist in the Caribbean.
146. A dangerous situation is also being created by overt military intervention on the part of the imperialist Powers in the domestic affairs of the Congolese people. All over the world great indignation was aroused by the recent attack against the patriotic forces in Stanleyville by Belgian paratroopers dropped from United States aircraft that took off from airports controlled by the United Kingdom. This collective intervention by the old and new NATO colonizers constitutes a further flagrant violation of the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, and was directed not only against the Congolese people but also against Africa as a whole. All anti-imperialist and anti-colonial forces must unite firmly in opposition to this intervention. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, in its statement of 1 December 1964, expressed full support for the efforts of the African countries, united in the Organization of African Unity, to stop this colonialist intervention in the Congo.
147. We also condemn the interference by NATO States in the domestic affairs of Cyprus and the artificial inflammation of communal strife, whose aim is to deprive the people of Cyprus of their independence and to subordinate Cyprus to the military and political plans of NATO. There must be respect for the inalienable rights of the people of Cyprus, for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus, so that its population — both Greeks and Turks — may live and work in peace and enjoy their democratic rights,
148. The Western Powers should long since have put an end to their policy of creating and stirring up hotbeds of tension which may bring the world to the brink of war or plunge it straight into a fatal world nuclear catastrophe.
149. At present there do exist objective conditions and opportunities for reaching agreement on further measures to relax international tension and to improve the general atmosphere in international relations. We need only embark resolutely on the course of peaceful co-operation and respect consistently the right of every people to independent political and economic development and a free choice of social system.
150. One of the most important matters before us continues to be the problem of; disarmament. The unsatisfactory results of the fruitless talks in the Eighteen-Nation Committee in Geneva make it imperative that the General Assembly should have a thorough and responsible discussion of the present situation and the real reasons for it.
151. We welcome the fact that the Cairo Conference of Non-Aligned Countries, too, spoke out so vehemently in support of efforts to achieve some progress on the question of disarmament, and proposed that a world conference on disarmament should be convened under United Nations auspices. We support such an active approach to the problem of disarmament and the actual idea of convening a conference.
152. General and complete disarmament under strict international control, the demand for which enjoys wide support among all peace-loving peoples, continues to be the principal objective of the common effort to avert the danger of war and to ensure lasting peace throughout the world.
153. The problems which are encountered in negotiations on this matter can be settled positively, given goodwill and sincere effort on the part of all the participants. The Soviet Union has already made realistic and practical proposals which offer a suitable basis for agreement. These relate particularly to one of the central problems of general and complete disarmament, namely, the elimination of the threat of nuclear war at the very outset of the disarmament process.
154. Despite the highly favourable response which the Soviet proposals have elicited throughout the world, the Western Powers have rejected them one after another. This naturally prompts the question: what do the Western Powers really want?
155. This year's discussions in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament in Geneva have once again proved that the Western Powers do not wish to embark on the definitive destruction of their nuclear stockpiles, do not wish to renounce the possibility of waging nuclear war, and in defiance of elementary logic, continue to propose broad control measures as a prior condition for any step towards actual disarmament. In short, they persist in seeking out the most diverse theories and arguments to make agreement on general and complete disarmament more difficult and remote.
156. The General Assembly, which in its earlier resolutions has adopted the idea of general and complete disarmament, should- take resolute steps at its nineteenth session to help bring about an agreement on its implementation.
157. At the same time, we must constantly explore the possibility of agreement on measures to bring about a further relaxation of international tension, a strengthening of mutual trust in relations among States and a curtailment of the arms race.
158. If it were not for the opposition of the Western Powers, a convention prohibiting the use of nuclear weapons could have been signed long since, on the basis of an appeal by the General Assembly: such a convention could constitute a significant step towards the complete prohibition of nuclear weapons and their elimination. A new initiative in this direction, which deserves our attention and support, is the proposal by the Government of the People's Republic of China that a conference should be convened at the highest level, with the participation of representatives of all States, to discuss all these problems.
159. The statements of many Governments and statesmen show that sober-minded people all over the world realize how regrettable would be the consequences of a constant increase in the number of States possessing nuclear weapons. It is absolutely essential, therefore, immediately to prevent the further dissemination of nuclear weapons, however effected, whether on a bilateral basis or within the framework of military groupings, and for that purpose to conclude a suitable international agreement.
160. The widest possible application should be given to the idea of creating nuclear-free zones in various parts of the world. For understandable reasons, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic attaches great importance to the creation of a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe, where the forces of the NATO States and the Warsaw Treaty States are in direct contact. That is why we also supported the proposals by the Government of the Polish People's Republic for the creation of such a zone and for the freezing of nuclear weapons in the territories of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the Polish People's Republic, the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. The main obstacle to the implementation of these measures is the stubborn opposition of the Federal Republic of Germany and certain other Western countries.
161. We also attach great importance to the conclusion of a non-aggression pact among the States that are members of NATO or of the Warsaw Treaty. The need for such a step is particularly pressing because both these principal military groups possess powerful nuclear arsenals and their armed forces directly confront each other in the very heart of Europe. The prohibition of the use of force and the assumption by both sides of an obligation to settle all disputes by peaceful means exclusively would have a favourable effect on international relations as a whole. There is no doubt that conditions have long been ripe for the conclusion of such a pact,
162. In our opinion nothing should hinder the conclusion at the earliest possible date of agreements on the reduction of military budgets, the reduction of armed forces and their armaments, the dismantling of foreign military bases and the withdrawal of foreign armed forces from the territory of other States, the elimination of bombers and the banning of underground nuclear tests.
163. Experience shows that positive results can also be achieved on the basis of a policy of mutual example.
164. Mr. Gromyko, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, yesterday submitted to the General Assembly a memorandum by the Soviet Government on measures for the further reduction of international tension and limitation of the arms race [A/5827], That document is a good basis for constructive discussion by the General Assembly of the questions I have just mentioned.
165. Since I am speaking of matters of peace and security in the world, it is unthinkable that I should not dwell on the problem of Germany. As immediate neighbours of the Federal Republic of Germany, we are seriously alarmed by the growth of militarism in that country, whose Government does not wish to take the facts into account and by its actions is directly creating a base for the revanchist activities of the West German militarists. The Federal Government is demanding the restoration of the pre-war frontiers of Hitler's Germany and even refuses to acknowledge that the Munich Diktat was invalid from the very beginning, with all the consequences that that entails.
166. A significant illustration of the Federal Government's policy was that Government's recent statement that it refused to extend the statute of limitations for the most serious Nazi war crimes. This is contrary to international law, which does not recognize any statute of limitations in the case of international criminal offences such as war crimes.
167. A special danger for peace in Europe and throughout the world is created by the desire of the Federal Republic of Germany to have access to nuclear weapons and to have a voice in settling the matter of their use. It is no secret that West German militarist circles link the realization of their revanchist plans directly with the possession of nuclear weapons. At a time when the Governments of the overwhelming majority of States are emphasizing the urgent need for measures to prevent the further spread of nuclear weapons — and I recall various statements by leading representatives of the United States — the Governments of the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States are pressing for the speedy realization of a plan which would lead to the spread of those weapons—the plan to set up a so-called NATO multilateral nuclear force. We would urgently warn against any concessions to the West German militarists in this matter.
168. An inevitable consequence of creating a NATO multilateral nuclear force would be to intensify the arms race, including the race for nuclear weapons, which, apart from anything else, would swallow up large State resources and bring up a reduction in the funds available for the development of international economic co-operation. There is no doubt that this step, if actually taken, would greatly complicate further talks on disarmament, on the prevention of the further spread of nuclear weapons, on the strengthening of European and world security and on other outstanding questions.
169. It is not surprising, therefore, that the plan for the creation of a so-called NATO multilateral nuclear force is meeting with strong opposition from all the forces in the world which are striving to improve the international atmosphere and to ease international tension, and with an unfavourable reaction from the Governments of some NATO States. If some Western Powers continue to insist on this plan, despite the facts I have mentioned and the appeal of the United Nations General Assembly of 4 December 1961. against the spread of nuclear weapons [resolution 1665 (XVI)], they assume full responsibility for the consequences of their short-sighted policy. We openly declare that we will not look on in silence while these plans are being implemented; together with our allies, we shall be compelled to draw the appropriate conclusions from the situation which will have been created.
170. The attitude and actions of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany with regard to the so-called problem of German reunification conflict directly with the interests of peace and security and with the interests of the German people themselves. The Federal Government illegally claims to be the sole representative of Germany. On the basis of the so-called “Hallstein doctrine”, it even exerts strong political pressure on other sovereign States to refrain from establishing normal relations with the German Democratic Republic, and itself refuses to establish diplomatic relations with States which maintain such relations with the German Democratic Republic. The Federal Government speaks of the "German people's right to self-determination", thinking that by so doing it will deceive world public opinion and conceal its true aims, which are to absorb another existing sovereign State — the German Democratic Republic.
171. The reunification of Germany is a matter for the two German States. It is a question which cannot be settled without taking into account the special and complex conditions resulting from their different social systems. There is no doubt that the creation of a NATO multilateral nuclear force would greatly complicate the reunification of Germany.
172. All peace-loving forces throughout the world highly esteem the peaceful activities of the Government of the German Democratic Republic aimed at easing tension in Europe and bringing the two German States closer together. This was again clearly shown by the proposals put forward by the German Democratic Republic on 1 September of this year, under which both German States would undertake not to manufacture or in any way acquire nuclear weapons, not to station or allow other States to station nuclear weapons on their territory, and never to use nuclear weapons.
173. We are convinced that in order to achieve a peaceful solution to the German problem and to improve the situation in Europe and relations among States the last vestiges of the Second World War must be eliminated by the signing of a peace treaty with both sovereign German States and of an agreement on the status of West Berlin as an independent political unit.
174. An ever-increasing number of States recognize the fact that two German States exist and this fact should be recognized also by the United Nations. It would be in accordance with the principle of universality of the United Nations and it would facilitate the fulfilment of the Organization's tasks if both German States, the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, were admitted to full membership in the United Nations.
175. The common responsibility of all Governments and of the United Nations itself for the preservation of international peace and security calls for continuous efforts to implement fully the policy of peaceful coexistence.
176. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has always consistently pursued this policy and in so doing expresses the will of its people, who again in the Constitution of 1960 proclaimed their determination "to live in peace and friendship with all nations of the world and contribute to peaceful coexistence and to good relations among countries with different social systems". It was in this spirit that in 1962 Czechoslovakia submitted to the seventeenth session of the United Nations General Assembly a draft Declaration on the principles of peaceful coexistence. The General Assembly supported this initiative and at its eighteenth session took the first step towards the progressive development and codification of those principles with a view to securing their observance and more effective application [resolution 1966 (XVIII)].
177. Just as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 [resolution 217 A (III)] or the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples of 1960 [resolution 1514 (XV)] met the urgent needs of the time, so the proclamation by the General Assembly of a declaration on the principles of peaceful coexistence would be the best way of supporting the persistent efforts of the peoples today to ensure international co-operation, to eliminate the centres of international tension and to establish conditions for lasting world peace.
178. The Czechoslovak Government considers that the necessary conditions for the achievement of that aim now exist and that the nineteenth session of the General Assembly should prepare a draft resolution to be solemnly proclaimed at the Assembly's twentieth anniversary session. We accordingly welcome the recommendation to this effect which was addressed to the General Assembly by the Cairo Conference of Non-Aligned Countries. The proclamation of the principles should be accompanied by an appeal from the General Assembly to all States to apply fully the principles of peaceful coexistence in their mutual relations. This would be a notable contribution by the General Assembly to the achievement of the aims which underlie the idea of the International Co-operation Year [resolutions 1844 (XVII) and 1907 (XVIII)]. I should, therefore, like to appeal to all States Members of the United Nations to participate effectively in the preparation and adoption of such a declaration.
179. Another integral part of the efforts to apply the principles of peaceful coexistence and to preserve and strengthen international peace and security is draft measures to avert and eliminate the threat to peace. The proposal of the USSR Government for the renunciation by States of the use of force for the settlement of territorial disputes and questions concerning frontiers [A/5751] is also directed towards this end, The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic associates itself with the USSR Government's proposal that this idea should be given effect through the conclusion of an international agreement or treaty,
180. In emphasizing the principle of the peaceful settlement of territorial disputes, we fully support the inalienable right of the peoples of countries still suffering under the colonial yoke to carry their struggle for freedom and independence to a victorious conclusion. It is essential to put an end to the occupation by foreign Powers of those territories which are still non-self-governing, to destroy the bases of the imperialist States and to abolish all the inequitable commitments and agreements which were imposed on the developing countries in the past.
181. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic will, as always, stand resolutely by the side of the peoples fighting to liberate themselves from the yoke of colonialism and to secure their political and economic independence, which is threatened by neo-colonialist plots and direct imperialist aggression. Our active solidarity with the national liberation movement and our friendly relations and co-operation with many countries which have freed themselves from colonial domination are already long-standing and well tried. We support the demands that the last remnants of the colonial regimes and all neo-colonialist tendencies should be removed from the face of the earth as soon as possible.
182. The fact remains that in spite of the great successes achieved by the struggle for national liberation, the colonial system, still holds sway in countries with tens of millions of people in Africa, Asia, Latin America and in certain parts of the Pacific, Atlantic and Indian Oceans.
183. It is essential that the United Nations should immediately take effective measures against the Portuguese colonialists, who, with the help of their Western NATO allies, are terrorizing the African population of Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea. The time has come to undertake appropriate measures, on the basis of the Charter, to put an end to the situation in which the Government of the Republic of South Africa continues to pursue its policy of apartheid and persecutes the finest representatives of the South African people and the defenders of the people's rights. The present situation in the Republic of South Africa constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security.
184. The situation in Southern Rhodesia also calls for effective measures which would make it possible to put an end to the racist and anti-democratic policy of the white minority Government and would enable the people of that country to gain freedom and genuine independence.
185. It is urgently necessary that the people of British Guiana, too, who for many years have been striving for the independence of their country, should at last achieve their liberation.
186. Full support should also be given to the Arab people who are struggling for their rights in the south of the Arabian Peninsula.
187. The present session of the General Assembly should adopt decisive measures in order to make the year 1965, in which the United Nations will celebrate its twentieth anniversary, the year marking the final elimination of colonialism. The fundamental guideline for the Assembly's work in this respect should be the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, which the United Nations adopted in 1960 on the initiative of the USSR.
188. In recent years, economic matters have been coming more and more urgently to the fore. Increasing attention is being focused on those provisions of the United Nations Charter which emphasize economic and social progress as the goal to which the collective efforts of the peoples should be directed and as a means of strengthening peaceful co-operation among them.
189. To achieve these aims it is essential, through the concerted efforts of all countries, to develop world-wide economic co-operation and to make use of all existing possibilities for the solution of present- day problems in this field. The main prerequisite for this is the establishment of absolute equality in international economic and trade relations and the elimination from those relations of all discrimination and other obstacles.
190. In the interests of developing world-wide economic relations, it is necessary to eliminate such disproportions as, for example, the low volume of trade between the socialist and the industrialized capitalist countries, which does not correspond to the potentialities. The more rapid development of such trade is still hampered by the remnants of the wide variety of artificial obstacles placed in its way by the capitalist States. The United Nations should become a forum where, in the face of the obstacles to trade, both old and new, a purposeful expansion of international economic co-operation on a world-wide scale would be recognized as necessary.
191. At the present time, the need for practical measures to bring about a gradual economic levelling in the various regions of the world is emerging as a matter of particular urgency. In magnitude and importance this is one of those problems for which the United Nations Charter wisely made provision by linking together the need for peace and the need for the economic and social advancement of the peoples.
192. We believe that the prospect of a further improvement of fundamental political prerequisites for seeking effective ways of solving the economic problems of the developing countries. Modern scientific and technical progress is providing new and effective means to this end.
193. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held earlier this year, indicated the need to revise the previous understanding of the principles and rules of international economic relations so that instead of acting as a brake on progress they might help to bring about the necessary changes in the international division of labour and in world trade. The Conference stressed that the United Nations, in its efforts to develop trade, should concentrate not only on the removal of obstacles in the field of commerce, but also on the carrying out of positive political and economic measures both in international collective actions and in the economic policies of individual countries.
194. The immediate aim of the new permanent United Nations organ to deal with matters of trade and development should be the gradual implementation of the conclusions and recommendations of the Conference. This would help to enhance the international authority and the importance of the new principles governing trade relations and trade policy.
195. We consider it essential to ensure that the new organ is given the opportunity to develop dynamically so as to become a forum for constructive discussions of the urgent problems of the day in world trade and for the adoption of appropriate practical measures. It should gradually develop into an independent international organization with universal membership and a broad field of competence.
196. Since the founding of the United Nations, important changes have taken place in the world and in the Organization itself. In the United Nations the participation of the socialist countries has expanded and their influence in the settlement of all problems has increased. As a result of the people's victorious struggle for liberation and the collapse of the colonial system throughout the world, the number and influence of the African and Asian countries in the United Nations have substantially increased. This new situation, however, is still not adequately reflected in the very structure of the Organization and in the composition of some of its organs charged with grave responsibilities and important tasks.
197. The authority of the United Nations is considerably reduced by the fact that up to the present time the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of China have not been restored in the Organization. If the United Nations is to fulfil its mission, the settlement of the question of the representation of China in the United Nations by its only legitimate Government, which is the Government of the People's Republic of China, must not be further postponed; attempts to apply the "two Chinas" theory in any form whatsoever must be rejected and the Chiang Kai-shek clique deprived of the place in the United Nations and its organs which it occupies altogether illegally.
198. The strengthening of the role and effectiveness of the United Nations in the performance of its principal tasks, particularly in safeguarding international peace and security, depends above all on how all States comply with the United Nations Charter.
199. We have always spoken out against any action which was in contravention of the Charter and which compromised the United Nations in the eyes of the world. We again deem it necessary to stress that all the difficulties which have arisen up to the present time have been due to the fact that a number of Powers have tried to misuse the Organization — and in certain cases have actually misused it — in their own interests and for their own ends. The Czechoslovak statement of 26 November 1964 on certain questions concerning strengthening the effectiveness of the United Nations declared: "It should be clear to everyone after almost twenty years of the existence of the United Nations that compromises between the position of those who abide by strict observance of the Charter and those who adjust the Charter to their unilateral needs would be harmful primarily to the Organization itself [A/5821].
200. Being interested in the United Nations as an effective organization, we are also interested in seeing that such important problems as the question of the United Nations armed forces are solved in complete accordance with the principles on which our Organization is founded. The well-known Soviet proposals for strengthening the United Nations fully meet this requirement. Therefore we, too, have supported them and we associate ourselves with them.
201. The Czechoslovak Government, on the basis of this fundamental position, is ready to make available to the Security Council in accordance with Article 43 of the United Nations Charter, a contingent of the Czechoslovak armed forces and to that end to conclude an appropriate agreement with the Security Council. If necessary and under conditions specified in the aforementioned Czechoslovak statement on 26 November 1964, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic is also willing to participate in the financial coverage of military operations undertaken by the Security Council in accordance with the appropriate provisions of the Charter.
202. At its nineteenth session the General Assembly faces a number of extremely important tasks. At the same time, the United Nations is on the threshold of its twentieth anniversary.
203. The peoples of the United Nations, who bore on their shoulders the burden of the war against facism and who in the final days of the war laid the foundations of a new Organization, set themselves a truly great aim — nothing less that "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our life time has brought Untold sorrow to mankind ...".
204. At the same time they proclaimed their profound "faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small", and promised "to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom".
205. Our task is to strive to ensure that our Organization consistently fulfils this legacy of the anti-fascist struggle.
206. The Czechoslovak people, who next year will celebrate the twentieth anniversary of their liberation by the Soviet Army and who know from their own experience what the horrors of war are like, are fully committed to the cause of peace and constructive international co-operation.
Our people and their Government, guided by the sincere desire that all nations of the world should "live together in peace with one another as good neighbours", are firmly resolved to participate in strengthening the United Nations and increasing its effectiveness. The Czechoslovak delegation will proceed in that spirit at this session of the General Assembly.