51. Mr. President, it is with the greatest pleasure that I address you as President of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly and extend to you, on behalf of my delegation and myself, as well as on behalf of my Prime Minister and the Government and people of Sierra Leone, sincere congratulations on your election by acclamation to this high office. Sierra Leone joins with other African States and peoples of African descent all over the world in our pride in the honour thus shown to you personally, to your country in particular and to us all in general. My delegation and I are confident that by your statesmanship and great wealth of experience in this Organization you will conduct the affairs of the nineteenth session of this Assembly successfully.
52. I should like also to extend the thanks and appreciation of my delegation to your immediate predecessor. Ambassador Carlos Sosa Rodriguez of Venezuela, for his excellent work during the eighteenth session of the General Assembly. He has left an indelible mark on the history of this world Organization which will not easily be excelled.
53. May I take this opportunity to express the appreciation of my delegation to all those who have from this rostrum paid tribute to the memory of our late lamented Prime Minister, Sir Milton Margai.
54. On behalf of my Government, I welcome most warmly the delegations of. Malawi, Malta and Zambia. It is gratifying and significant that while you. Sir, are President of this session of the General Assembly, two African States, Malawi and Zambia, have been admitted to membership of this world Organization.
55. The Secretary-General has again presented his annual report on the work of the Organization covering the period from 16 June 1963 to 15 June 1964 [A/5801]. For this conscientious and able performance we congratulate our distinguished Secretary-General and his staff. Their work, and that of the Organization over the past fourteen months, has not been easy, but it has been remarkable; and even though we fell short of some of our goals, we are satisfied that sufficient constructive work, commensurate with our capabilities, has been done.
56. At the moment this Organization is confronted with a crisis which seems to threaten its existence and its very foundation. Many arguments have been put forward by different Members as to the position of peace-keeping operations and the way in which the expenses for them are to be met. In this regard my delegation is deeply appreciative of the very great exertions of the committee of twenty-one, headed by Mr. Adebo of Nigeria, to solve the financial problems of our Organization. My delegation further endorses the work which has since been done by the African-Asian group of countries represented on the committee of twelve.
57. We are, of course, particularly appreciative of the efforts of the Secretary-General to solve the current problems facing the Organization, and we wish him a speedy recovery so that he may resume the conduct of affairs with his characteristic deftness of touch.
58. This Organization, with all its imperfections, is still our greatest hope and the means of solving the burning questions of our time and of maintaining peace and security. It must therefore be preserved at all costs. The loss to mankind by the collapse of the Organization would be far greater than any temporary loss of face or prestige that one nation or another would appear to experience. My delegation is therefore firmly of the view that we must do all in our power to overcome obstacles of legality without sacrificing principles, in our efforts to solve this problem. It is in this confirmed view that my delegation has put forward certain suggestions for a solution.
59. The difficulties confronting our Organization continue to loom large, and mankind is no less in danger of self-destruction than it was last year; but difficult as our task in search of solutions may be, and even though success may not be immediate, we continue to have great faith in the United Nations.
60. Although we realize that our Organization may not be perfect, we are sure that it is about Lie best means of bringing together all free and independent peoples and Governments who wish to work together for the improvement of the lot of mankind, the easing of tensions and the attaining of universal peace. Peace-loving peoples all over the world have had to face the real problems involved in the arms race and the stockpiling of arms. However, efforts are being made by this Organization to find answers, and the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament working in Geneva has achieved limited success.
61. My delegation believes that the position has now been reached where constructive negotiations could begin in search of a formula for complete and total disarmament. Very little can be achieved by our arming for each other's destruction, and indeed far more can be achieved for the benefit of mankind by releasing the resources now employed in the building up of arms and diverting them to peaceful uses. The United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics have now made definite contributions in this field by curtailing their arms budget. These are worthwhile examples.
62. It is also heartening to note that the African States, at their summit conference, declared their readiness to adhere to an international treaty to be concluded under the auspices of the United Nations which would prevent the manufacture or the acquisition of control of nuclear weapons. They also invited the General Assembly at this session to approve the declaration and to convene an international conference with a view to concluding such an international treaty. This was closely followed by the declaration of the Second Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries on 10 October 1964 [A/5763] which, after expressing regret at the unsatisfactory results of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, noted among other things that the declaration by African States regarding the denuclearization of Africa, the aspirations of Latin American countries to denuclearize their continent, and other proposals for denuclearizing areas in Europe and Africa, were steps in the right direction, and recommended the establishment of denuclearized zones covering these and other areas, and requested the nuclear Powers to respect such denuclearized zones. That Conference was also convinced that there should be convened, under the auspices of the United Nations, a world disarmament conference to which all nations should be invited, as such a conference would provide powerful support to the efforts which are being made to set in motion the process of disarmament.
63. My delegation is fully aware of the difficulty that must be faced during negotiations for agreement on this important subject, and is therefore heartened by the limited progress in the right direction that has been made by the test ban treaty and the matters to which I have already referred. However, further delay in reaching agreement will most probably increase the difficulties, while world tension grows. Therefore, my delegation requests and urges the General Assembly to approve the declaration of the African Summit Conference and the Second Conference of Non-Aligned States and convene as early as possible an international conference with a view to concluding an international treaty to this effect.
64. My Government regrets the growing tendency to settle disputes and disagreements by other than peaceful means. There is evidence of this in recent times in all areas of the world. Recent events in the Congo constitute not only an instance of this, but also an indication of the precarious position in which Africa finds itself. The problems of the Congo are symptomatic of the problems of the new Africa in which conflicting interests lead to internal conflagrations, external interferences and interventions that may not be related to the true interests of the peoples of the countries, who suffer as a result of these conflagrations, interferences and interventions.
65. Opposing groups might, and do, resort to legalistics in support of the positions they take and the policies they pursue, but what is the result for the Congo, for Africa, and for world peace? It is this: blood continues to be shed; homes and businesses continue to be destroyed and ruined; the economy of the country is gradually coming to a standstill; children of tomorrow's generation, for whom we are striving to make the world a better place, are starving and are denied education.
66. In the circumstances, Africa is in a precarious position, and there is a clear indication of a threat to world peace. Whatever the legalistics, my Government condemns all such actions which might have such dreadful results.
67. We will not speculate on what interests are intended to be served by these different groups and factions. In my Government's view, the only interest which must be uppermost in our minds and which must be served is the interest of the Congolese people and of the Congo. That seems to have been lost sight of so far. We all, as States Members of a world organization founded primarily for the maintenance of peace and security, have and must necessarily have as our burning desire the restoration of law and order and the organization and establishment on a sound basis of a stable government in the Congo.
68. My delegation is of the considered opinion that the problem of the Congo is essentially, fundamentally, and basically, an African one and as such it should be solved in an African way. It is therefore only fair and expedient that the Organization of African Unity be given a chance and be supported by all States Members of the United Nations in solving this problem.
69. My delegation is convinced that it is only by this means, and this means alone, that peace and tranquillity can return to the Congo. All the honesty of purpose, all the calm, the statesmanship and goodwill of the. leaders of Africa and the world are needed to diagnose the root cause of the problem in the Congo so that we can achieve our goal in this regard.
70. I will conclude this portion of my statement by reiterating the appeal, contained in a statement made in the course of an interview with the world press agencies on 27 November 1964 by my Prime Minister, Mr. Albert Margai: "We deplore all killings and acts of violence and aggression in the Congo by all concerned. The situation in the Congo, particularly the involved developments over the past week or so, demand less of emotion on the part of leaders of Africa and the world, and more of restraint, calm, sober and objective thinking over what has become an extremely difficult and dangerously explosive situation for Africa and the world at large. "I appeal for more co-ordination and understanding in and out of the United Nations Organization among all the thirty-five States of the Organization for African Unity, in the spirit of the Charter of the Organization. "I strongly urge all parties to, or concerned in any way with, the dispute not to persist in any acts that would only tend to aggravate the situation."
71. Once again it is the sad duty of my delegation to reaffirm our policy of complete opposition to the nefarious policy of apartheid in South Africa. For many years the regime in that country has defiantly ignored world opinion and various resolutions of the United Nations, and persisted with the practice of this immoral and inhuman policy in Africa, one of its most recent acts of defiance being the passing of the most rigid racial separation law — the Bantu Laws Amendment Act. This law, which will come into operation on 1 January 1965, will control the movements, dwellings and occupations of more than 7 million black Africans living in white areas and on farms outside "bantustans", or reservations.
72. One of the most important events during this period is the confrontation of the races, and the acceptance by the black Africans of the challenge posed by this confrontation. Future historians may well applaud this as the finest achievement of the struggling races of the world, against racial bigotry, and all other manifestations of colonialism, neo-colonialism, and imperialism.
73. In keeping with the determination of all Africa to put an end to this confrontation, our Heads of State met in Cairo in 1964 and confirmed our solidarity to concentrate all our energies towards the total eradication of racial oppression, not only in South Africa but wherever else it may be found.
74. My delegation has come to this nineteenth session of the General Assembly fully prepared to support any action considered expedient to meet the South African menace. My country has already imposed the most severe restrictions on trade with South Africa. In compliance with the decisions reached by the Organization of African Unity, my Government is committed to a policy of isolation and the imposition of sanctions against the regime in South Africa.
75. My Government and the people of Sierra Leone will do all in our power to restore to the millions of black indigenous inhabitants of South Africa that equality and true human dignity which is their rightful heritage.
76. My country has the honour of being one of the four African countries entrusted by our Organization of African Unity with the spearhead of the case against Portuguese colonialism in Africa. To my regret, I feel bound to state that the response to the group from the Portuguese so far has been much less than satisfactory.
77. Indeed, we see the situation deteriorating every day. We see a situation in which Portugal is conducting a war of liquidation armed with the most modern equipment which it has undoubtedly acquired from, its NATO friends. This certainly poses a challenge to the world. It is a situation in which our minds should be involved with humanitarian considerations, notwithstanding the fact that the victims happen to be black. The blame for the continuation of this terribly grave situation should be squarely laid on the members of the NATO alliance, whose military and tacit support has continued to sustain Portugal. It is a sad commentary on international behaviour that people who are so loud in their condemnation of lapses in others are themselves so often guilty of the worst manifestations of double standards.
78. Once again, we call on these, countries without whose help Portugal would be exposed in its true image, to desist from continuing with this support and to exert all the pressures they are undoubtedly in a position to exert in persuading their Portuguese friends to desist from their brutalities against innocent black victims of their oppression, and practise the humanitarianism which is such a Cherished virtue of the NATO Powers.
79. Since the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China in October of 1949, serious consideration has, from time to time, been given by this Organization to the question of the representation of China. My delegation stands convinced of the right of the People’s Republic of China to take its place in the General Assembly. It seems scarcely reasonable that a nation comprising over 700 million people should be kept away from a world Organization where the most important and urgent problems of peace and war are discussed and decided. And now that the People's Republic of China has become, whether we like it or not, a nuclear Power, it will be more unreasonable to presume that our discussions and agreements with regard to disarmament could be effective, or as effective as it otherwise could be, without the People’s Republic of China being a party to them.
80. My Government will strongly support any move to have the People’s Republic of China represented in the United Nations.
81. The situation in Southern Rhodesia remains precarious and is, in fact, worse — worse, because Mr. Ian Smith, the Prime Minister, has made it clear that he does not intend independence for Southern Rhodesia to be on the basis of one man, one vote, a principle which is universally accepted by the United Nations.
82. By their final communique on 15 July 1964, the Commonwealth Prime Ministers welcomed the United Kingdom Government's previous announcement that, as in the case of other territories, the existence of sufficiently representative institutions would be a condition of the granting of independence to Southern Rhodesia; and pledged that no Commonwealth Government would recognize a unilateral independence by Southern Rhodesia. The communique also recorded that the view was expressed by some of the Prime Ministers during the meeting that all detained African leaders should be released and that an independence conference should be convened, which the leaders of all parties in Southern Rhodesia would attend, with the object of reaching agreement on the steps by which the territory might achieve early independence on the basis of majority rule. This view was further expressed at the Assembly of the Heads of State or Government of the Organization of African Unity in Cairo in July 1964 which, in a resolution, noted with satisfaction the stand taken by the leaders of the African member States of the Commonwealth earlier in the same month; and unanimously urged that a firm stand be taken against the Southern Rhodesia Government if any attempt is made to proclaim a unilateral declaration of independence.
83. As you are aware, Mr. President, during that Assembly the African States pledged themselves to take appropriate measures, including the recognition and support of an African nationalist government in exile, should such an eventuality arise. They further called for a constitutional conference of all political groups and the immediate release of all political prisoners and detainees.
84. Despite this, when Mr. Ian Smith had discussions with Sir Alec Douglas-Home in September 1964, he stated that if the Southern Rhodesia Government eventually got to the position where it believed there was no alternative, then it was firm in its resolution unilaterally to declare independence.
85. In these circumstances, my delegation welcomes as most timely the statement by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Mr. Harold Wilson, on 27 October 1964 declaring, inter alia, that a unilateral declaration of independence of Southern Rhodesia would have no constitutional effect and would be an act of rebellion and treason; no Commonwealth Government would recognize such declaration or extend economic preference; no special relationship with Britain would be possible; foreign recognition would be very limited and a nationalist government in exile might be recognized; and economic links with Britain and aid from Britain would be jeopardized and Southern Rhodesia's external trade disrupted.
86. Nevertheless, my delegation is aware that, though such a declaration has made the Government of Mr. Ian Smith more cautious, neither that Government nor the Government of the United Kingdom has so far taken any action to implement the resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Special Committee on the question of Southern Rhodesia. This, in our view, is regrettable.
87. In my delegation’s view, the United Kingdom Government should be more positive in its action and attitude towards Southern Rhodesia. By invoking the powers reserved by section 111 of the Southern Rhodesia Constitution, the United Kingdom Government could by an amendment of certain provisions, for example section 6 of that Constitution, effect a constitutional change without the consent of the Southern Rhodesia Government. In fact, this view is reinforced by the fact that in March 1964 the Southern Rhodesia Parliament passed a motion petitioning the Queen that section 111 of the Constitution be amended so that the residual powers of the United Kingdom Government should be exercised at the request and only with the consent of the Government of Southern Rhodesia.
88. It is therefore fallacious and legally dishonest to suggest that the United Kingdom Government could not amend nor intervene in a manner that would effect a change in the Constitution of Southern Rhodesia because it is self-governing. From both the legal and political points of view, Southern Rhodesia is still a colony and this fact was recognized by the United Kingdom Commonwealth Relations and Colonial Secretary in a letter dated 11 February 1964 [see A/5800/Add.l, para. 14] to the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
89. Whilst the situation continues to be so explosive in Southern Rhodesia, it constitutes a real threat to peace, not only in Africa but in the whole world. It is my delegation’s view that the Security Council should continue to keep constant review of the whole situation. It is also my delegation’s view that the United Nations should approve of the declaration of the African Heads of State that a conference of all groups in Southern Rhodesia should be convened in order to decide upon the form of constitution upon which Southern Rhodesia should proceed to independence; that all nationalist leaders detained should be released; and that, if the minority Government in Southern Rhodesia should proceed to a unilaterally declared independence, a nationalist government in exile should be recognized by all States Members of the United Nations.
90. My Government has for a long time viewed with concern the fact that the distribution of seats in the various organs of the United Nations does not properly reflect the new and changed structure and circumstances of the Organization.
91. The adoption on 17 December 1963 by the General Assembly of the proposals of the Special Political Committee as resolutions 1991 A and B (XVIII) is, no doubt, an attempt to remedy this state of affairs; but even here a lot has to be done if this should, be effective in removing the inequalities of distribution. Up to now only thirty-nine Member States have so far ratified the amendments in accordance with these resolutions, and I am proud and happy to say that my country is one of these.
92. If the organs of the United Nations are to perform, their role effectively, they should reflect in their membership the great political reality in Asia, Latin America and Africa; areas that account for two-thirds of the world population, and the least that can be done is that this process of reconstitution should be supported. We therefore call upon all Member States concerned to ratify the amendment as early as possible and to join actively with us to do everything to ensure that this, our Organization, is properly reconstituted to be the guardian of the freedom and the rights of great and small nations alike.
93. Such a measure would inspire confidence, particularly in the small Member States which, in their buffer role, have been and are performing great services to mankind. If we are assured of the cooperation of all Members in this regard, we pledge publicly our determination to continue to work in the closest co-operation with neutral and non-aligned nations to diminish the differences between the defined power blocs in order to ensure that this Organization increases its usefulness to mankind.
94. My delegation notes the tendency of all nations to co-operate in the quest for a greater share of the world's trade on the part of the developing nations, as evidenced by the successful convening in 1964 of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development at Geneva; and it sincerely hopes that these areas of co-operation will continue to expand.
95. We are convinced that poverty anywhere is a threat to prosperity everywhere. We are satisfied that dissatisfaction and unhappiness in one corner of the world will lead to unhappiness in the farthest opposite corner. We hope that following from the Conference on Trade and Development the more fortunate Member States will feel, not merely obliged, but that it is their duty and their business to see to it that they assist in raising the standards of economic well-being of all peoples and countries so that the world will increase its gains and not multiply its wants.
96. We look forward to the very active part which we are convinced all the developed countries will play in putting into effect the recommendations of that Conference, and we hope for more exchanges of ideas by the Group of Seventy-Seven. We welcome the establishment of*a Trade and Development Board and of the continuing machinery proposed, which will incorporate new institutions in the fields of commodity trade arrangements and the financing of trade development between developing countries and developed countries.
97. It is our earnest desire that gaps and differences will be reduced between developed and developing countries and, in this connexion, we should like to see the United Nations play its own part by increasing technical assistance projects and setting up an organization which will provide increased assistance to developing countries. We believe that this is right and should lead to an equitable distribution of resources among countries.
98. In order to make it easier to participate in wider schemes of co-operation, we on our part have signed a General Act relating to six agreements with the Republic of Guinea. Two of these agreements are on payments and trade.
99. In consonance with our belief in the value of sound regional economic groupings, we are at present engaged in negotiations for the setting up of a Free Trade Area between Sierra Leone and the Republics of Guinea, Liberia and the Ivory Coast. We look forward to realizing our aspirations in this regard and to having a wider membership incorporating more States in the area. It is our earnest hope that, if we succeed in discussing information and other vital data among ourselves, we will best be able to pool our resources in order to accommodate co-operation from outside and thus ensure prosperity, not only for our region but for the whole of Africa.
100. We wish earnestly to eradicate the disparity which has existed for so long between developing and developed countries, and we hope that some adjustment will be agreed upon whereby the terms of trade will not continue to be steadily worse for developing countries. The developing countries are appreciative of the aid they have been receiving; but, as my Prime Minister, Mr. Albert Margai, said in July 1964, what the developing countries really need is not aid but trade on an increasingly equitable basis.