49. Mr. President, I must begin by associating my delegation with the congratulations which other distinguished speakers have extended to you on your unanimous election to the presidency of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly. The honour of your election is one in which all African States will share and take pride. Yet the primary honour must go to your country avid to yourself, for this is a happy choice which is based upon your reputation for wisdom, good judgement and diplomatic skill.
50. Equally, I would wish my delegation to be associated with those other delegations which have expressed their appreciation for the work of your predecessor, Mr. Carlos Sosa Rodriguez of Venezuela, a man who has left upon the traditions of this high office his own stamp of dedicated and impartial service to the cause of the United Nations.
51. This present session has before it a number of problems which will tax the resources of Members and, not the least, their resources of understanding and goodwill. There are opportunities for the exploitation of purely national interests, and there are opportunities for setting aside purely national interests in an attempt to promote our common interests in furthering the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. It is the earnest hope of my delegation that Members will seize the latter opportunities, and not the former.
52. Happily, the United Nations becomes each year a more truly universal Organization, and to the new Members my delegation offers its greetings and a most welcoming hand. Yet there remains, to mar our progress towards universality, that travesty of good sense, the failure to represent the countless millions of Chinese people by the government of their own choice. Is this really consonant with the purposes and principles of the Charter, or is it not another manifestation of the pursuit of national interests by some States in a manner inconsistent with those purposes and principles? Perhaps the most telling criticism of this policy of non-admission is not, however, its legality or even morality, but its futility; it is a self-stultifying policy, devoid of any link with the reality of the situation.
53. Perhaps this air of unreality is nowhere more apparent than in the holding of disarmament talks without China being represented. The progress of the Geneva disarmament talks is a matter of great concern to my country, as it must be to all Member States. No one seriously believes that total agreement is going to be achieved overnight, and it is for this reason that my Government would wish to see greater emphasis upon what might be termed the collateral or preliminary steps which may lead to general and complete disarmament.
54. Hence, we welcome the test ban treaty; but we would equally welcome limited agreements between the great Powers to extend this treaty to all tests, to stop the proliferation of the atomic weapon, to declare certain zones "denuclearized", to outlaw the use of the atomic weapon and to establish means for protecting States against surprise attacks. These measures will not constitute disarmament, but they will constitute the kind of political climate without which no general and complete disarmament can ever be achieved. In Cairo, this last October, the Conference of Non-Aligned States adopted a statement on disarmament and related questions which I trust will be given very serious consideration by the States members of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, for it outlines, in practical terms, the measures which might be attempted.
55. There are other short-term measures which could effectively improve the political climate and perhaps pave the way for eventual progress towards disarmament.
56. One such measure is to increase the effectiveness of United Nations machinery for keeping the peace. I do not wish for one moment to deny the efforts that have been made in the past, by the United Nations organs, by Member States, by the Secretaries-General of the Organization and the Secretariat, and by individuals from many countries, some of whom have even laid down their lives. But our machinery is really no machinery; it is piecemeal and haphazard, and few States would dream of resting their own security on so flimsy a basis. Why then must the peace of the world rest on such a basis?
57. I do not underestimate the difficulties involved in such a project—and amongst these I cannot fail to mention the difficulties of financing—but has not the time now come for the members of the Security Council to take a new look at the task they abandoned nearly twenty years ago? The task is laid down for them in the Charter, and it calls for initiative from the Security Council in negotiating the agreements provided for in Article 43 of the Charter.
58. Another such measure is the outlawry of force or the threat of force in the relations between States, except as a lawful measure of self-defence. Over the years, and increasingly of late, there have been examples of military intervention, upon one pretext or another, against the territory of other States. Of course, there are always justifications, for man in his ingenuity is seldom without an explanation. There may be treaty rights, there may be civil unrest, threats from abroad, calamities threatening nationals abroad, invitations to assist, and so forth. Indeed, these justifications have become so frequent that foreign bases upon the soil of other nations have become almost a commonplace, as if to signify the permanence of this state of affairs. The States of the, world have linked arms, not in friendship towards all States, but in military alliances which constitute a threat against their neighbours. The culmination of this trend is not difficult to see: it is the virtual abandonment of the restrictions on the use of force which form a cardinal part of the entire Charter scheme.
59. To those who contend that the Charter scheme has collapsed, and therefore justifies a kind of "free- for-all" , I would reply that our very presence here denies that there has been any such collapse. There has been failure to implement it in very large part, but then the remedy is plain. Let us proceed to implement, and in so doing restate in the clearest possible terms that resort to force is not a permissible meant; of solving international disputes or of furthering national policies, and that foreign bases represent a poor and improper substitute for an effective machinery for collective security within the United Nations itself.
60. Unless and until we can do this, our aims of disarmament will seem appropriate to some other world. We shall, in short, be destined to endure indefinite tension and strain, in which disarmament appears as but a utopian fantasy, while the threat of war itself is ever present. Nations will live in fear and will waste their slender resources on material for man's destruction rather than his salvation.
61. This is not simply a problem for the so-called great Powers, but for all Powers. We have in a sense become hypnotized by the East-West rift, and all too rarely see the dangers which lie in the rivalries and unresolved disputes between smaller Powers. There are very few regions of the world free from the tensions which arise from these situations. In the Horn of Africa, for example, there has been considerable tension for several years, and recently it erupted into armed conflict. In the Congo, too, we have witnessed in recent weeks developments of a most grave and alarming nature. Contrary to accepted international practice, and in defiance of the principles of the United Nations Charter and the appeals of African States, we have had the distressing experience of witnessing a flagrant and armed intervention in the domestic affairs of the Congolese people.
62. The crisis precipitated by these unfortunate developments is ominous and the repercussions may well fee far-reaching. In situations which are politically intricate, it is important that we should encourage the people concerned to settle their own problems, and if outside assistance is needed, it should be provided by an organization which is impartial and whose motives are above question.
63. It is for these reasons that the Somali Government has advocated from the beginning that the Congo problem be left to the Congolese people to solve, and because of the special political circumstances prevailing in the country, that outside assistance be given through the medium of the Organization of African Unity. In this way we would not only confine the problem to the African continent through an organization of which the Congo is a member State, but we would also prevent the situation from becoming another arena in the cold war struggle.
64. The Somali Government is firmly convinced that, the Congo situation can still be saved if all nations at this stage give their unqualified support to the efforts and recommendations of the Organization of African Unity. All States should first respond to the appeal of the organization to refrain from interfering in* the domestic affairs of the Congo. By doing so they would create conditions which would assist the organization in bringing about peace and national reconciliation in the Congo and end the senseless slaughter which is taking place.
65. My Government has already proposed that the Congo question be again discussed by an extraordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity. It is our hope that at this special session there will emerge a solution which will contribute effectively to the early restoration of peace, and to the establishment of the conditions necessary for the orderly government and development of the Congo in accordance with the express wishes of the people. All that we ask now is for nations to refrain from all forms of interference in the domestic affairs of the Congo, and not to indulge in activities likely to impair or frustrate the efforts of the Organization of African Unity in its quest for a speedy and peaceful solution.
66. I have found it important to give this Assembly concrete examples of the dangerous situations which exist both in the Horn of Africa and in the Congo simply to illustrate the reality of these tensions, which exist not only in Africa but throughout the world.
67. It is the wish of the Somali Government that, during this present session, some constructive thinking should take place on how to eliminate these tensions. I would wish to emphasize the word "constructive" because, frankly, we are apprehensive that these substantial and very real problems will be met with bland resolutions which are entirely negative. I can pledge my Government's fullest support of any genuine attempt to explore ways and means of reducing tension and solving by peaceful means disputes which are likely to lead to tension. We cannot, however, support any approach which simply pretends that the problem does not exist.
68. These tensions occur in different parts of the world; they assume different forms, and may have different causes. Yet when these different causes are examined, it becomes clear that they have one substantial common element: they all stem from policies which spring from a concept of State interest running counter to the interests of the people. Yet, in this enlightened age, the interests of the State tend to be regarded as synonymous with the interests of the people. Unhappily, this is often not the case, and that is so often the real explanation of the existence of tension.
69. If one looks at many of the problem areas of the world, this clash between the interests of States and the interests of the people is striking.
70. In South Africa and South West Africa, the policy of apartheid is, in essence, a policy of oppression of the majority of the people in order to sustain a concept of State interest which appeals to the white minority. The same is largely true of the recent developments in Southern Rhodesia, where the denial of equality to all men produces an attempt at democracy which is a flagrant denial of all that democracy means.
71. In other parts of Africa, too, the vestiges of colonialism remain in a vain effort to preserve for the alien few the benefits which are the natural right of the indigenous people: in the Portuguese colonies there exists the most blatant denial of the rights of the people, a denial persisted in by Portugal in utter defiance of the wishes of this Assembly, representing the conscience of the world. So, too, in French Somaliland, the French Government has carefully nurtured and fostered a regime which presents the semblance of a regime acceptable by the people. It is time this sham was exposed, and I sincerely hope that this Assembly, through its own organs and in consultation with the Organization of African Unity, will do so. My Government cannot rest content until the peoples of this territory are given their freedom, their right to choose their own political destiny.
72. Elsewhere in the world the true interests of the people are frustrated and destroyed by alien domination. In Aden and the British protectorates, the United Kingdom still has a tenuous hold upon areas which it deems to be necessary to its own safety, on Strategic or economic grounds; but of the interests of the peoples of those areas nothing is said, and, as these are ignored, so the tension mounts. Many thousands of Somalis live in Aden, and there exist historic and traditional links between the peoples of the South Arabian Peninsula and the Somali Republic which stretch over the centuries and join us in friendship. Therefore, my country has A special concern in seeing that the peoples of those territories are allowed to shape their own political future, free from all outside interference.
73. in Africa, Europe and Asia, nations are divided and thus provide a constant source of tension and a continuing threat to world peace. In whose interests are they divided? Certainly not in the interests of the peoples of those areas. Indeed, if outside Powers were to cease their intervention in the affairs of the peoples of these areas, my Government is, confident that these situations would become stabilized and the peoples would work out their or/n solution, as they have the right to do.
74. I am, in short, appealing for the Application of the right of self-determination of all peoples not as just another political slogan, or even a pious statement of human rights, but as a legal principle which can contribute to the elimination of tension in the world. I believe that this principle, if applied genuinely as a principle of positive action by all Member States, would effectively contribute to the maintenance of international peace.
75. There is a commonly held view that, whilst the right of self-determination is a legitimate weapon for ousting the colonialist Powers from territories held by them, that right has no validity thereafter. I need scarcely say that such a view can only give enormous satisfaction to the colonialist Powers, for if ever they needed proof of the double standards of morality which they complain of, then they surely have it in this insupportable restriction on the right of self-determination. An alien rule is an alien rule and the people subjected to that rule care not in the least what the colour of their oppressors are, or from what continent they originated.
76. Then there is the equally prevalent view that self-determination, liberally construed, will work chaos in the new nation States of Africa, Asia and elsewhere and that, therefore, the territorial status quo, however nonsensical and unjust, must be left untouched. As to this, let me say the following.
77. First, we have accepted no other part of the colonialist legacy without question: in the economic, cultural and political fields we have striven for freedom. in its fullest sense. There have been problems, many problems, but we have never shirked the task of finding a rational, indigenous solution, To pretend that the status quo must endure for ever, knowing that it is palpably wrong and unjust, is to fly in the face of history and ask the impossible. In many cases the status quo is itself devoid of any legal foundation. What, therefore, is there to respect? The only real solution must lie in a genuine attempt to reach a settlement acceptable to the peoples concerned, and such a settlement must be brought about by peaceful means and not by force.
78. Second, my Government sees the application of the right of self-determination as a means of ending strife and tension, not as a means of creating it. We do not advocate the fragmentation of existing States, creating units which have neither political nor economic viability, and I may add that no claims my Government has ever made on behalf of Somali peoples or any other peoples would have this effect. We are advocating a rational, practical principle, not anarchy. Nor do we maintain the impossibility of a free, multiracial State and society; indeed, in many parts of the world we should hope to see such societies flourish as a tribute to the spirit of co-operation.
79. But that happy condition can exist only when all the elements within the State, despite differences in their ethnic, cultural, linguistic or religious origins, are willing and co-operating parts of one and the same State and society. When they are not, when their participation has to be exacted by force, then the society is no longer free and the brave experiment —which in many cases the colonialists have tried— becomes enslavement for those peoples who wish to be free. The alternatives then become either enslavement of a people in the interests of some State whose control is alien to them or, alternatively, freedom under their own rule or in association with another State according to the political and economic realities of the situation.
80. Which of these two alternatives should be chosen? I have no doubt that the choice of this Organization must be the latter, that of freedom for the people. I say this not simply because their right of self- determination is enshrined in the Charter but also because, in the long run, the choice of the former alternative, that of the subjugation of a people in the interests of an alien State, only can lead to tension and strife,
81. Therefore, I would hope to see within the United Nations, and in particular within the organs, such as the Committee of Twenty-Four, which are especially concerned with the elimination of oppression in the form' of alien rule, a new and strengthened emphasis upon the right of self-determination. Not self-determination as construed by States which have particular national policies to pursue in defiance of the wishes of the people, but self-determination as construed by the people.
82. I have, as yet, said nothing of the economic and social policies which the United Nations is pursuing. The essential purpose behind the many and impressive programmes of technical assistance should always be the betterment, the economic and material improvement, of mankind. It should not be the pursuit, by way of favour or blandishment, of particular national policies. Assistance must be given to eradicate the discrepancies which circumstance, history and sometimes geography, have created between our standards of living. It should be given out of humanity, not out of self-interest. My own country benefits greatly from such assistance, and our friends and the United Nations know how grateful we are. But, as recipients of this assistance, we know the difficulties of coordinating and utilizing it to the greatest possible advantage. It is for this reason that the Somali Republic will support any measures, within and outside the Organization, to rationalize and improve any programmes for technical assistance.
83. There remains, finally, the problem which is particularly crucial to a smaller country with a limited range of experts, and that is to ensure that whatever benefits we might gain from increased productivity, with the aid of technical assistance, should not be taken from us by a swing in the balance of trade which is for ever against us. We need some guarantee of markets for our products, and we need some guarantee of fair prices. It is in this area that the United Nations can make an enormous contribution to the well-being of the peoples of the smaller nations.