48. Mr. President, I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate you on your unanimous election to the high office of the President of this Assembly, and to say that my delegation is very confident that under your guidance this session of the Assembly will achieve great things. I am sure you know that my delegation, along with other delegations from the continent of Africa, is very happy and proud that another son of Africa has been elected to occupy this post. We know that this is the greatest international club, the greatest inter-racial club, that we have and it is meet and proper that a son of Africa should also be one of the Presidents.
49. We have gone through another year in which the world has steadily witnessed the continuation of efforts to reduce international tension and improve the climate of understanding among nations and peoples — a trend which happily began over a year ago. During this period the United Nations has continued to exert its energies in different directions for the maintenance of international peace and security. Consequently, the dark cloud of the threat of nuclear war which is the greatest danger of our time to the survival of humanity is clearing gradually. Of course there remain areas of tension and conflict in various parts of the world, but I am sure that we are all happy that efforts have been made, and are being made, to control and finally eliminate these sources of friction in the interests of international peace and security.
50. The period since the last session of the General Assembly has produced some important changes in the Governments of certain important Member States of this Organization. We gladly welcome them to our joint effort for the preservation and maintenance of peace in the world. We are very reassured to learn that these objectives are uppermost in the minds of these new Governments.
51. I should like, at this juncture, to welcome and congratulate the new Members who have been admitted to membership of this Organization. I refer, of course, as you know, to our brothers from the newly independent sovereign States of Zambia and Malawi — two States that along with us are members of two other families, the Commonwealth of Nations and the Organization of African Unity. We welcome also the State of Malta, which again, in common with us, is a member of the Commonwealth. All will understand why Nigeria is very happy that we have three new members in the three fraternities to which we belong. We rejoice with them in the successful conclusion of their struggle against the forces of imperialism and domination. We are sure that their presence among us will enrich our discussions and deliberations. These, our brothers, are torchbearers, men who proclaim to the nations that the tidal wave of freedom in the continent of Africa and in the rest of the world is an irresistible force.
52. Nigeria has continued to play its part and fulfil its obligations as a Member of the United Nations. It has continued to uphold, to the best of its ability, the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter and to contribute in all possible ways to the furtherance of the aims and objectives of the Organization. In these various ways, Nigeria has continued to demonstrate its strong belief in the Organization as a most important and reliable instrument for the preservation of peace and the promotion of international understanding. In the Congo, Nigeria supported the United Nations operations up to the end and contributed its share in human and material terms towards the successful conclusion of those operations. It also contributed financially to the United Nations peace-keeping operations in Cyprus. Nigeria has paid its dues and made voluntary contributions in support of this Organization.
53. In the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament and concerning the thorny subject of the financing of future peace-keeping operations, Nigeria is contributing of its best toward the resolution of those problems, and we shall continue to do so.
54. It is with a great sense of disappointment that Nigeria witnessed the conclusion of this year's session of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. The year had begun with the hopes and promises that the breakthrough which was achieved in 1963 of a partial nuclear test-ban treaty would be followed up with important developments in the direction of general and complete disarmament under effective international control. Since I last had the opportunity to address the General Assembly [1221st meeting], there indeed have been encouraging developments in this regard, for which I wish to place on record the immeasurable satisfaction and appreciation of the Government and people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The three nuclear Powers — the United States, the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom — early this year took certain steps on the basis of a policy of mutual example designed to promote the relaxation of international tension. I refer to the reduction of military expenditures early this year by the United States and the Soviet Union, and the announcement by the three nuclear Powers of their decision to reduce production of fissionable materials for the production of nuclear weapons.
55. These steps, following so closely upon the Moscow test-ban treaty, the agreement in principle not to station weapons of mass production in outer space, and the establishment of a direct communication link between Moscow and Washington, encourage the world to hope for better things to come.
56. It is regrettable, however, that in none of the other outstanding issues pertaining to the conclusion of a treaty on general and complete disarmament was agreement reached. Even the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty, which was called for by the General Assembly in its resolution 1910 (XVIII), eluded the Committee of Eighteen. My Government believes that the conclusion of such a treaty is essential and should be pursued vigorously in order to eliminate, once and for all, the fears of all humanity concerning radio-active fall-out. We have seen the reports of reputable scientists demonstrating that the dangers of radio-active fall-out are not totally absent from underground tests. Besides, continuation of such tests can only indicate that the arms race is still going on — something which we are all against.
57 . We also believe that an agreement on non-production of nuclear weapons should be concluded without further delay. In this way, the present fear that attempts are being made by some Powers to obtain control of nuclear weapons through the back door will be removed.
58. The originators of the idea of a multilateral nuclear force owe it to humanity to ensure that the proposal does not involve the spread of nuclear weapons to States which do not have them at the moment, nor the extension of control of these deadly weapons to States which, by not having them, cannot assume full responsibility for their use.
59. We received with great interest proposals on the part of the United States and the Soviet Union for the destruction of certain nuclear weapon delivery Vehicles — bomber aircraft — and consider that these proposals should be followed through to a quick conclusion which should result in the building of a bonfire. Even though there is disagreement as to the scale of this bonfire, we believe that it should not be too difficult to reach a general and acceptable agreement. The important thing is that action should be taken in this regard, in view of the psychological effect it is bound to have as to the seriousness of the proposals on the part of the nuclear Powers, and their efforts in the direction of general and complete disarmament. Until full agreement on the destruction of nuclear weapons is reached, perhaps it would help if the nuclear Powers would begin action on the basis of mutual example.
60. There are other fields in which, from the facts available to us, we consider that agreement should be possible; for example, a complete cut-off of production of fissionable materials for weapons purposes and the reduction of military expenditures. We continue to stress the senselessness of the expenditure of vast sums in the manufacture of weapons of destruction in a world in which more than half the population still suffer from the ravages of poverty, hunger and disease. The Nigerian Government believes that, on the whole, there are many ways in which the present detente in international relations should be utilized to push forward a programme of disarmament, and we wish to make a solemn appeal to all concerned to ensure that these golden opportunities will not be allowed to pas3 by. It is our hope that our deliberations on this most important subject at this session of the General Assembly will bring about the achievement of concrete results with regard to general and complete disarmament.
61. The presence among us of three new Members cannot fail to remind us of the sad lot of millions of our brothers who still languish under the forces of oppression in South Africa, South West Africa, the territories under Portuguese administration — Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea — and in Southern Rhodesia. We in Nigeria condemn and oppose colonialism and imperialism in all its forms. I repeat, in all its forms. We are determined to do everything in our power to promote the attainment of freedom by all our oppressed brothers in Africa and in any part of the world.
62. The obnoxious policy of apartheid, practised by the Government of South Africa, has proved to be a revolting insult and an assault on the conscience of the entire international community. That Government is consequently being steadily isolated from the mainstream of international life. In this respect, we welcome, the recent bold stand taken by the Government of the United Kingdom in placing an embargo on arms supplied to the Republic of South Africa; but we regret that the British Government, which has thus demonstrated its progressive outlook, was unable to prevent the supply of sixteen Buccaneer aircraft to that Government for its murderous aims. We nevertheless acknowledge that the British Government now seems to be moving in the right direction.
63. We must warn the Government of South Africa to note the handwriting on the wall and to desist from oppressing the majority of its citizens, and to remember that thirty-five African States are irrevocably committed to fighting the regime of apartheid to the finish. As I stated in this Assembly last year [1221st meeting], these architects of mass oppression are suffering from a neurosis of fear, and it is the duty of their friends to help them to recover from their illness before it suffers further complications which would be even more dangerous and, indeed, disastrous.
64. As for Portugal, its continued intransigence in refusing to comply with the resolutions of the General Assembly and with Chapter XI of the United Nations Charter is a challenge which this Organization cannot continue to tolerate. The illusion that vast territories in Africa could ever be an extension of metropolitan Portugal constitutes the greatest farce and the greatest fiction of the twentieth century. It is beyond reason and it is only a matter of time before Portugal will be severely jolted from her dream, to begin to face the realities of contemporary existence.
65. The peoples of Africa are steadily recapturing their right to determine their destiny and to govern themselves, and little Portugal cannot stop them from so doing. In this connexion, we once again wish to address an appeal to the friends of Portugal to desist from supplying it with arms, which it uses for the oppression and suppression of indigenous inhabitants of territories under its administration. We welcome, accordingly, the recent stand which the British Government has taken on this matter.
66. The minority Government of Southern Rhodesia, in its anxiety to capture power from the majority of the inhabitants of the territory, is jumping from pillar to post, generally making a nuisance of itself and displaying great irresponsibility in the art of government. We are reassured that the mature and progressive British Government is calling a halt to the childish game being played in Salisbury, having issued a strong warning against the dangerous course which they are thinking of pursuing. The Government of Ian Smith must surely realize the heavy responsibility which it will place on its shoulders if it should wantonly act illegally and unconstitutionally in its naked bid for total power to oppress the majority of its own citizens. Thirty-five African nations can certainly not be expected to stand aside in such an eventuality, and will be bound to use all forces at their disposal for the rescue of their brothers from an oppressive and illegal regime.
67. The solution to the Southern Rhodesian question is not a fraudulent referendum, but the free and complete expression of the people's will on the basis equality. General amnesty should be granted to all political leaders now being detained or imprisoned, and a constitutional conference should be convened at which all parties will be represented. Only in this way can a constitution, acceptable to all parties in the territory, be worked out in order to enable Southern Rhodesia to march to independence, united in peace, not in pieces.
68. We trust that the British Government will spare no effort or ingenuity to make such a development possible.
69. The recent United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was indeed a landmark in international co-operation; for the first time, probably, all the issues in the world economic situation were fully and truly brought out and examined at a fully-attended world conference. It is already apparent that a new international order is in the making in economic relations among nations, and we are looking forward to the Trade and Development Board to translate this new order into concrete terms and realities. The Conference was long and difficult and the negotiations were delicate and arduous; but then the issues involved were great, for it had become clear that a grave threat to peace is the division of the world into the "haves" and the "have-nots"—the so-called North and South division. Although the developing countries did not get all that they wanted at the Conference, owing to the reluctance of some industrialized countries to share their wealth and prosperity with their less fortunate brothers, nevertheless we are fairly satisfied that a positive beginning has been made, and we hope that through the Trade and Development Board the existing imbalance in levels of development in the world will be speedily eliminated.
70. We appeal to those countries which are in a position to do so to join in this common effort in the interest of peace.
71. My Government is aware of the financial difficulties facing the United Nations, primarily brought about by the involvement of this Organization in recent years in massive peace-keeping operations. We have accordingly followed with great interest the efforts of all parties dealing with the question of the financing of future peace-keeping operations, with a view to regularizing the machinery and placing the procedure on a firm basis. We are also aware of the difficult situation created by the huge arrears owing to the Organization and the difficulties facing the Governments which are expected to pay these arrears. Nigeria is deeply interested in this question and it has been playing its part through its representative in an effort to reach an amicable solution to these problems. We are prepared to continue to negotiate on this matter on the basis of our determination to see the Organization put on a firm financial footing and become an effective instrument for keeping the peace.
72. We are painfully aware that in these matters legal arguments and pronouncements have failed to provide the answer, where positions have been taken on the basis of other considerations. But we hope that, in reaching a solution to these problems, the principles enshrined in the Articles of the United Nations Charter will not be undermined. An important principle of belonging to any club is acceptance of the obligation to abide by the rules, and this applies equally to membership in this Organization.
73. With respect to China, doubts have been raised in certain circles regarding the policy of my Government on the question of Chinese representation at the United Nations. I shall now briefly reiterate our basic position in order to set the record straight.
74. First, Nigeria recognizes the Government of the People's Republic of China as the Government of the people of China. We consequently have been and are in favour of the admission of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations.
75. Secondly, we are willing to consider that a Government is based on the island of Formosa, and that this island has all the attributes of a State-territory, population and an effective Government. We therefore feel that any solution of this delicate problem must take account of these factors in such a manner that these two States should be able to coexist both in the United Nations and elsewhere, and that one should not necessarily exist at the expense of the other. Nigeria would like to help solve the problem in an amicable and peaceful manner, not to exacerbate the issue.
76. As is known, in every session we use this rostrum to restate our position and the foreign policy of our country, and in the statements I have made so far I have concerned myself with general world problems. But I would be failing in my duly if I did not bring before the General Assembly some of the problems with which we are faced on the African continent, within our home grounds, and state categorically the attitude of my Government in respect of these problems.
77. As I have said in a preceding statement, the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is determined that all Africa must be free and that the freedom, when obtained, must be maintained and not lost as soon as it is gained. I want to state our fears and apprehensions that, while we are getting rid of the old imperialism on the African continent, there is a danger of new imperialism in different guises rearing its head. And it is because of the fear of this danger that the Government of Nigeria, along with other independent African States, did everything within its power to create the Organization of African Unity as the best insurance that African freedom once won will be retained intact.
78. It is our ardent desire that all countries of the world will hearken to this our appeal and respect the fledgling African States and give them a chance to develop their resources, establish stability within their environs and learn from others those qualities that will be beneficial to their future growth and stability.
79. It is in the light of this that we wonder what was meant by the statement that was reported and attributed to the Head of Government of the country that we have all been fighting to admit into this Organization, to the effect that Africa is ripe for revolution. What does that mean? To us, that statement is fraught with great danger, the more so because of the impact and repercussions of this type of thing in a certain part of Africa, namely, the Congo.
80. When Nigeria was admitted to Membership in the United Nations on 7 October 1960, we met and were confronted with the problem of the Congo. In our early years as the ninety-ninth Member and the baby of the family, we waded into the problem, and we played as good a role as any other Member of this Organization to try and find a solution to that problem. The whole Organization bent itself to that problem and met a certain amount of success, even though, in the opinion of my country, the United Nations withdrew earlier than it should have. Now, after so many years of toil, and expenditure of human and material resources, we find once more that at this nineteenth session the Congo is a problem facing the United Nations, and the Security Council is now seized of that matter. I would have made a comprehensive statement on that problem, but considering that the Security Council is discussing that matter, the best I can do here is to appeal to all Members of this Organization to co-operate with my country and the other African countries in an effort to give the Democratic Republic of the Congo a chance to find its bearings. There is too much intervention in the affairs of the Congo.
81. We believe that liberation of territories should mean liberation of territories which are dependent, not liberation of territories which have already been liberated from foreign imperialism. And when there is going to be any revolution at this stage of our development in Africa, this revolution should start from the areas which are still dependent, and let us give those who have just won their independence a breathing spell to find their bearings.
82. We usually come to the General Assembly to say what we have done in the past and what our hope for the future will be. But I shall not conclude my statement without appealing specifically to the African States—more than to any other Members of this Organization—to consider whether we will not be hurting ourselves if we profess non-alignment in theory and find ourselves aligned in practice either ideologically, economically or militarily, one way or another. And once we have made our commitment some of us begin to think that others who do not agree with us are either neo-colonialists or stooges of imperialists or not even independent.
83. I am concluding my speech with this appeal. Africa cannot be subverted unless African States aid and abet in our subversion. No foreign Power can get a footing on the African continent, unless Africans aid and abet such foreign Power.
84. I am taking this opportunity to appeal to all Members of this Organization to assist us and aid the forces of cohesion in Africa to maintain stability, in order to be able to contribute their own quota to the building of the United Nations. I am sure that if all of us adopt that spirit, which has been the spirit of my country in relation to other African countries and in relation to our membership of this Organization, the disarmament we are seeking in terms of nuclear weapons will be achieved. When you have various regions living in peace and security, there will be no necessity for dropping atom bombs, because these will be stale and unnecessary.