1. Mr. President, it is a great honour for me to offer you, on behalf of the Government of Guatemala and on my own behalf, sincere congratulations on the well-earned distinction conferred on you by this world body in choosing you to direct its work as President of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly of our Organization.
2. My delegation, like all the other delegations present here, is convinced that you will succeed in guiding and bringing the difficult and important work of the Assembly to a happy conclusion. Your wisdom, your great personal talents and your experience of United Nations work make this a certainty.
3. Last year, when I had the honour to speak here in the world's most distinguished forum, I affirmed my country's faith in the destiny of the United Nations. I expressed our hope, and that of all nations great and small, that the machinery of our world Organization would, by practical, efficacious and intelligent measures succeed in warding off and eliminating threats and violence between peoples and States; that it would prevent acts of aggression and other international disturbances; use peaceful means, in conformity with the principles of justice and law, to settle international disputes or situations liable to lead to war; promote friendly relations among nations on a basis of respect for the rights and liberties of peoples and take the necessary steps to strengthen universal coexistence; solve the major international social and economic, cultural and humanitarian problems — that it would, in short, ensure that human rights and the fundamental freedoms of all, regardless of race, language or religion, were maintained intact.
4. Nevertheless, we must ask ourselves what the real significance is of this debate to which we returnyear after year to expound the universal, national and regional problems we are facing. What else can it be but to take stock in order to see what headway we have made along the difficult road of our hopes and how far we still have to travel?
5. We have steadfastly maintained our faith in the destiny of Latin America. We belong to this regional group — our "bailiwick", as the distinguished President of Chile might say — and we belong to it not only geographically but because of our common origin and destiny. Although we are descended from the Hispanic branch, we are also proud of our native blood, which has made, so to speak, an unpublicized contribution to the Western civilization which we all share. We Latin Americans have inherited the profound Hispanic sense of the brotherhood of man, one exponent of which was Father Vitoria, and throughout the great events of human history we have shown our deep- rooted faith in the principles of international justice, our love for the freedom and independence of peoples and our sincere desire to co-operate in solving the major problems of international peace and security. We have therefore been in the forefront of the fight against colonialism, without resorting to demagogy or hypocrisy; we have effectively assisted, inside and outside this Organization, the independence of peoples oppressed by other Powers which today enjoy all the rights of free peoples. We have contributed to the peaceful settlement of disputes and, leaving aside a few incidents which are now past history, our continent can rightly be called the continent of peace. We have made a valuable contribution to the establishment of the great international bodies, both regional and world-wide. It should not be forgotten that the American regional organization was the first great international organization. We took an active part in the former League of Nations and our contribution was invaluable in the creation and subsequent development of this new universal Organization in which the hopes of the world are placed. The Latin American group, as our countries, taken as a whole, are called, has fought many hard battles in defence of just causes, when the remaining countries, later to become free, had to remain silent.
6. Are we now to rest on our laurels? Are we to continue thus, fighting occasional battles, following our own instincts, in love with the outside world but uninterested in ourselves, selfish and indifferent towards everything we have in common? In a world which is growing smaller every day and in which the forces of destruction are becoming more powerful, neighbouring and kindred peoples are striving to draw closer together.
7. In recent years integration seems to have become the magic word. The developed countries, like the so-called under-developed countries are trying to form associations. The European Common Market is an example of the first and the admirable solidarity of the African countries an example of the second. Countries are uniting not only for economic reasons, in the face of the prodigious development of the new industrial revolution, but also for political reasons deriving from economic factors and from the unfortunate dualism dividing the world. Latin America is an assemblage of countries somewhat unequal as regards their levels of development but with a common foundation. After a century of independence we have a certain amount of political experience. We do not have the maturity of the European countries but our deeply rooted human sense of brotherhood makes it very easy for us to understand our historical destiny.
8. Our economic development is also unequal, but we are all under-developed because of our low level of industrialization, our inadequate markets and our complicated social patterns. With such a historical and social basis we are the human group most ready for integration. What are we waiting for? The progress we have made is small indeed, while our agricultural products, our only exports, are often denied fair opportunities on international markets. Moreover, on the political level, international communism is responsible for disrupting our political and economic development.
9. True, there is a Latin American Free Trade Association and a Central American common market. It is true that, in order to present a united front in our economic policy, we held several meetings this year and we went to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development with a coordinated position. It is also true that the United States has energetically continued President Kennedy's Alliance for Progress programme and that the European countries are beginning to show greater interest in assisting and investing in Latin America. But this is not enough. The process of integration must be speeded up. Adequate instruments must be created and old, worn-out nationalist formulas discarded. The requirements are: fairness and friendliness, the abandonment of attitudes of superiority, of claims to hegemony, of contempt or disregard for the dignity of small countries; complete and effective solidarity in our disputes with foreign Powers, especially as regards territorial claims; in short, sincere and disinterested friendship.
10. Guatemala believes it has always fulfilled this duty. It has always given and will continue to give its full support to American countries which are involved in territorial disputes with Powers outside the continent; it has always shown its unshakable solidarity in support of common objectives, whether political or economic; it has respected the principles and standards of our American system; it has scrupulously complied with international agreements and has always been vigilant, honourable and active in defending our principles and our way of life against threats of whatever kind.
11. What I am recommending for Latin America is already being done on a small scale in Central America. The words "Central America" themselves sum up a complete historical and political process. We are on the threshold of real economic integration and we also hope to achieve political integration. The rapid progress of economic integration, which has amazed outside observers, is due not only to our common endeavour to restore an ancient national bond which was destroyed by our foolish disputes but also to our urgent need for joint defence, especially in economic matters. None of this would be possible, however, without fairness and friendliness, without our sincere and disinterested friendship. Accordingly, in spite of small differences, we have forged ahead not only towards economic integration but also towards political and cultural integration. We are now preparing a far- reaching educational and cultural agreement and we are drawing up a new charter of the Organization of Central American States, which, we hope, will be more dynamic than its predecessor. We have organized a Central American Defence Council to protect us against foreign aggression. We cannot therefore be accused of impatience if we are already thinking of setting up supranational organizations to complete the integration process. My Government had the honour of submitting draft principles for the Central American community which provide for the setting up of these organs and for the representation of our community abroad.
12. Towards the end of 1963, with the object of creating a closer association among the sister republics of Central America as a necessary first step towards the goal of complete integration, some of the Foreign Ministers of the Central American republics were kind enough to assign to me the preparation of a document constituting the basis for this association. On 16 December 1963, I had the honour to submit for consideration by my distinguished Central American colleagues the draft principles for the Central American community, drawn up in accordance with the instructions I had received.
13. The draft consists of a preamble and five chapters. The preamble deals with the establishment of the community. Chapter I contains basic provisions, such as recognition of a common nationality and personality, maintenance of the autonomy and independence of member States, respect for the principle of non-intervention, and a commitment to joint defence against any external aggression. Chapter II deals with the human aspects of the community and its activities: nationality, migration, unrestricted freedom of work, the validity of-educational and professional qualifications and the exercise of professions. Chapter III deals with community action in both external and internal affairs: joint diplomatic and consular representation, mandatory Central American jurisdiction, unification of legislation, legal aid, and implementation of the various integration programmes. Chapter IV lays down the structure of the community, which is to consist of three organs: the Central American Congress, the Permanent Executive Commission and the Central American Court of Justice. Chapter V deals with the machinery for bringing the agreement into force.
14. These draft principles for the Central American community were considered by a special commission which, warmly welcomed them, made very few amendments and prepared a report which is to be taken up at the next meeting of the Central American Foreign Ministers,
15. This, in broad outline, is the present stage reached in Central American integration, which gives added strength to our faith in the future common destiny of Central America, for the welfare of that part of the continent and as a contribution to universal progress and improvement. Time will tell whether we are mature enough yet to take the crucial step to which I have just referred. I would, however, urge the Central American Governments to smooth out every difficulty, to settle all differences, to overcome all obstacles in the way of this real and effective community which will be the beginning of a free and united Central America that can fulfil its high destiny and serve as a principle and example to the great Latin American community.
16. My delegation, like many others — I venture to say the vast majority — is satisfied with the work done the United Nations for dependent territories. This work deserves our admiration and respect, since many peoples now enjoy independence and liberty, have their own Government and self-determination, without the Organization's having done anything to violate the territorial integrity of States, which is explicitly stated to be inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations. The decision taken in this Assembly, at its fifteenth session, regarding the independence of colonial peoples, is one which we must recall with immense pride. That decision is set forth in resolution 1514 which marks the end of colonialism in the world today, despite any arguments the colonial Powers may advance to perpetuate their rule.
17. We took part whole-heartedly in that brilliant discussion. In order to prevent any subterfuges on the part of the colonial Powers, or any last-minute stratagems to take advantage of the political inexperience of the oppressed peoples, and in view of the not uncommon fact that many of those Powers occupied territories that they had snatched from weaker or smaller countries, we proposed an amendment which, although it was withdrawn, did serve to clarify properly the meaning of paragraph 6 of the above- mentioned resolution, namely, preservation of the territorial integrity of States that had thus been despoiled. As the representative of Uruguay so wisely said in Sub-Committee III (of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples), dealing with the Falkland Islands (Malvinas), that paragraph has "universalized" the American doctrine regarding "occupied territories" which has taken shape in the course of various American conferences.
18. The subterfuges used by some colonial Powers to defend themselves by granting alleged self-determination to peoples in the occupied territories are obvious manoeuvres and are being generally and deservedly repudiated. We are, therefore, firmly on the side of the Argentine Republic in the case of the Malvinas, just as we are on the side of Spain in the case of Gibraltar, not only as a duty consonant with American solidarity, but also for reasons of justice and fairness.
19. In speaking of colonialism, I must mention once again Guatemala's tragic experience due to the usurpation by the United Kingdom of our territory of Belize. In my statement in this Assembly last year, I outlined the history of these depredations. I will not try your patience now with a repetition of the facts, since you are already fairly familiar with them. I will just mention the following points. Taking advantage of a period of intense political agitation following upon my country's independence, the British broadened the scope of some simple concessions to cut timber granted by Spain to British subjects, under which Spain expressly retained its sovereignty and subjected concessionaires to rigid limitations. These concessions ceased to have a raison d'être, but the British proceeded to seize Central American territory. Their aim was obvious, for Central America offered immense possibilities for inter-oceanic communication. A powerful and imperialistic United Kingdom confronted a weak Central America, which had only recently become independent. Its Machiavellianism was carried to the extreme of intriguing against the unity of the Central American Republic, since that made it easier to seize its different parts. Central America disintegrated, but owing to the balance of power in the world at that time — remember the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty — the United Kingdom was prevented from achieving its ambition to seize the Central American isthmus.
20. As regards the old Spanish concessions, however, the pressure was too strong, and Guatemala was compelled to sign a treaty, masquerading as a boundary treaty, whereby it ceded to the United Kingdom 22,000 square kilometres along the Caribbean seaboard. In exchange for this generous concession, the United Kingdom undertook to construct a highway that would link the capital of Guatemala with a point on the Atlantic coast of that country. The United Kingdom never fulfilled its obligation. The Guatemalans now wonder whether it ever intended to do so. Conditions therefore reverted to the status quo preceding the signing of the treaty, which became inoperative because of the United Kingdom's failure to comply therewith.
21. Belize has thus been wrested from Guatemalan territory, but it has also been wrested from Central American territory. This is of concern to the whole of America, because this has long been the continent of freedom, whose sons fought and died for that right. But it is also of concern to the United Nations, because the colonial problem has been fully debated here and resolutions have been adopted to put an end to colonialism as an iniquitous, corrupting and cruel system.
22. The history of the United Kingdom's occupation of this part of Guatemalan territory is a classic example of colonial exploitation, which displays certain common characteristics wherever it occurs: exploitation of the colony for the purposes of the metropolitan country, the plundering of its natural resources until they are exhausted, and the maintenance of colonial domination by force and by intimidation of the local population. All this occurred in Belize. The British mercilessly exploited the territory's abundant resources and now that the economy is ruined and there is little possibility of rehabilitation, which makes the colonial budget burdensome to maintain, the British are seeking to shirk their responsibilities and give Belize semi-independent status which would place it in an even poorer and more difficult situation than its present one, miserable enough as it is. The local inhabitants, conditioned by long years of British indoctrination and deceived by the promise of a better future, are docilely playing into the hands of the British in their latest game.
23. However these machinations of the United Kingdom, which are designed to release it from its financial commitments in Belize and at the same time make a mockery of my country's rights to that part of our territory, will not succeed. Whether the colonial Power likes it or not, Belize is part of the historical, geographical and economic reality of Guatemala, and its future is inextricably linked to that of the rest of the isthmus. Its resources are the same; the only market for its products is the Central American market; its development plans will be successful only if they are carried out in conjunction with those of the neighbouring Guatemalan region; and its only hope of progress and true liberty lies in putting an end to colonialism in any form and in linking its destiny with that of Guatemala, and ultimately Central America, with its bright prospects.
24. We still hope, as we have always hoped, that this long-standing and grievous dispute may be settled under international law by the means intended to govern the relations between civilized countries, but we decline any responsibility for the results if, in settling the question of Belize, my country's rights are disregarded.
25. As far as the developing nations are concerned, the most important event of the year was undoubtedly the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which met at Geneva for more than three months. The Latin American countries placed great hopes in that Conference and spent some time preparing the views they would be putting before the Conference. It was a magnificent example of solidarity, of a marriage of views, and of the possibilities of facing our joint problems with courage. The Secretary-General of the Conference, Mr. Ravil Prebisch, had already expressed the idea that the Conference should be imbued with a mystique, that it constituted "an act of faith in the possibility of persuading, of making these ideas sink in where they should sink in, and in the possibility of provoking constructive reactions". That act of faith was certainly prepared for at the preliminary meetings of the Latin American countries: at the meeting of experts at Brasilia, and at the meeting at Alta Gracia, where the Ad Hoc Committee on Latin American Co-ordination met.
26. At those meetings truly revolutionary conclusions were reached with regard to the modern concept of international trade, and solutions were formulated which, if they could be carried out, would close the enormous gap between the poor and the powerful countries, not through the generosity of the latter, but for the sake of justice and even in the self-interest of a world that is seeking balance and self-adjustment.
27. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was, of course, unable to fulfil these splendid ideals; nor could it be expected to adopt any convention incorporating new concepts of international trade, thus breaking with an age-old, selfish tradition. However, the great importance attached to the Conference, in view of the change of thinking that has been observed, is largely due to the solidarity and receptivity shown by the seventy-seven developing nations. They gave a very clear picture of the enormous handicap under which they labour in their trade with the economically developed countries, a handicap that will become increasingly greater if an immediate solution is not sought; and while they have realized the gravity of the problem, they are not in complete agreement as regards the remedy. It is encouraging to think that 120 States should have held a discussion and reached conclusions of far-reaching consequence for the life and development of society; it is gratifying, too, that so many countries, differing from each other in their political, social and economic structures and in their stages of development, should have arrived at a meeting of minds and should be well on the way towards achieving genuine progress in the unfortunate under-developed areas of this world of ours, all this thanks to the efforts of our Organization.
28. We consider it of great importance to create continuing international machinery for examining and solving problems of world trade and economic development and we therefore feel that the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development must be established as an organ of the General Assembly, and that a trade and development board and a permanent secretariat within the United Nations should be set up, as has been recommended. In general, we consider that the recommendations of the Conference need to be studied very attentively at this session of the General Assembly, which now bears the heavy responsibility of taking final decisions on the matter. My delegation wishes now to endorse the Joint Declaration of the seventy-seven developing nations, which state that international co-operation in the fields of trade and development "must serve as a decisive instrument for ending the division of the world into areas of affluence and intolerable poverty". As the Declaration says, this task is the outstanding challenge of our times, and the injustice and neglect of centuries need to be redressed.
29. Recently, an atomic bomb was exploded by a country which, owing to its aggressive policy, is not a Member of the United Nations. Its policies are incompatible with the principles of this Organization, particularly with the first and most basic of those principles, namely, the maintenance of international peace and security. The echoes of this explosion have aroused fear throughout the world. And so the world is faced with yet another danger, which the United Nations has to meet with determination and courage. In the meantime, the United Nations must continue to boycott the country in question and to offer the Republic of China its firm and outright support, since the island of Formosa is a bulwark of liberty and of respect for basic human rights, a bastion that the free world must defend and protect.
30. By showing indifference to the tragic problems of Korea, Viet-Nam, Germany and China, we could find ourselves in a real crisis. In spite of the gravity of these problems, hopes for a rapid and satisfactory solution to the first three have not vanished altogether. These have been discussed and claims and concessions have been made. But as regards the Chinese drama, there has been no congress, no assembly, no encouraging geographical parallel on which to pin our hopes, there is no legal permit enabling parts of different sections of a single people to communicate with each other.
31. Once again, at this nineteenth regular session of the General Assembly, we are faced with the unfounded claims of the Peking regime, which wishes either to have dual representation or to deprive the Republic of China of the rights which it has acquired over a long period of time and history, thus ending its representation and replacing it by another delegation whose presence here might be justified by some principle or other but not that of legitimacy. The free peoples of the world have opposed the move to deprive the Chinese people of the position they now hold in the United Nations, and this opposition, besides being based on rules of law (be it natural, positive, or international), is also based on hard facts. The Guatemalan delegation would now like briefly to outline those facts in this Assembly.
32. First, it has not escaped the world's notice that the Peking regime, by its acts of aggression in South Korea in 1950, in Laos in 1953, in Tibet in 1959, in India in 1959 and 1962 and recently, once again, in Laos and South Viet-Nam, in defiance of the principles of the United Nations Charter, has clearly shown that it is not the most suitable one to oust the Republic of China, which, since the 1945 Conference at which this Organization was founded, has been representing a section of mankind that is imbued with noble purposes and a love of peace and progress.
33. Secondly, the Peking regime today, after a show of almost uncontrollable force, hopes to win a seat of honour which will give it international representation and complete authority, even though this system of government would have nothing but contempt for those countries which devote their economic resources, their sweat, energy and courage to the pursuit of peace through work and freedom, instead of to the pursuit of violence.
34. Unfortunately, when speaking of divided countries, we must also mention that other great European country which is divided by a wall of shame, separating the free world of Western Germany, vigorous, economically strong, respectful of human rights, from another world, surrounded by barbed wire, tanks and other instruments of war, ready to crush with bloody brutality any attempt at rebellion, of which we had a sufficiently eloquent example in martyred Hungary. The two Germanies are separated by a gap of centuries: in one there is progress, health and energy; in the other, terror, misery and people ready to escape from such a hard life as soon as the way is open.
35. It may appear strange that unarmed, peace-loving countries, loyal to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, should meet together at the highest international level, the General Assembly of the United Nations, in order to discuss disarmament. However, to think along those lines would mean that we were ignoring those very same purposes and principles of the United Nations, whereas the peoples constituting the United Nations, in solemnly proclaiming the Charter at San Francisco, reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, and in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small. That is why, being aware of their international responsibilities, all countries have the right to discuss disarmament and to point out the tragic consequences for mankind if drastic steps are not taken rapidly and courageously to halt the arms race and to find an effective way of liquidating the most powerful nuclear weapons which threaten to destroy the world. When the time for mass destruction comes, there will be no distinction between powerful and small countries, between armed and defenceless countries. That is why the latter countries are precisely the ones which must urge the great Powers to reach a radical and honest general agreement on disarmament for the protection of mankind. Of course, in using the word "honest", we must mention the essential fact that any disarmament agreement between the great Powers must involve proper open inspection.
36. My delegation is thus doing its duty in setting forth its ideas, its points of view, its proposals and its hopes regarding some of the major problems facing the world today, particularly those that are closely linked with my country's policies or life or which are of such vital importance that they affect all mankind. It is not a sign of indifference if I do not refer to the other items that will be dealt with at this session, or which are of concern to many friendly countries. Not being able to do so, however, I wish it to be placed on record that Guatemala is firmly planted among the free and democratic countries and follows a clear-cut and definite policy of absolute respect for international commitments. We are sympathetic to the countries which seek to free themselves from the yoke of colonialism, firm in our determination to fight for international peace and security, faithful to the principles of the United Nations Charter, champions of the right of weak countries to a better fate, and hopeful that universal justice and harmony will triumph.