101. This is my delegation's first intervention in the general debate since Trinidad and Tobago became independent two years ago and was admitted to Membership of the United Nations. We count it a happy coincidence that the occasion enables us to offer you, Mr. President, our most sincere congratulations on your election to the Presidency of this Assembly. Since our independence our Ambassador has had the personal, pleasurable experience of association with you as a distinguished representative in these halls, and while it is true that your election has done honour to Ghana, to Africa and to people of African descent everywhere, we think also that it is a just tribute to the reputation you yourself have gained in the wider circles of the United Nations. You have our assurance that you will receive the firm support of the Trinidad and Tobago delegation in the execution of your heavy duties, with full confidence in your ability to discharge them in accordance with the high standards set by your predecessors and to imprint upon this office the stamp of your personality.
102. I myself, Mr. President, have a personal pleasure in welcoming you here today. As the representative of Trinidad and Tobago, I had the honour of being present at the celebrations which marked the independence of your country in 1957, and the inspiration of those days has had a profound effect on the struggle for independence of colonial peoples everywhere. May I add, Mr. President, that the impact of those experiences has lived with me to this day.
103. Let me at the outset reaffirm, in the most unequivocal terms, our faith in the United Nations and the principles enshrined in its Charter. We believe that the United Nations has the potential to become the most powerful Organization ever devised for the maintenance of peace in the world, for promoting the dignity of the human person and removing the economic imbalance between various sections of the world's population.
104. Indeed, it would be strange if we did not cling firmly to these beliefs and these hopes. It was the indirect influence of the United Nations which speeded up the liberation of the colonial peoples and it is the United Nations alone which can prevent them from again becoming the luckless pawns in the political game being played out by the major Powers on the chessboard of international diplomacy. Anything, therefore, which strengthens the Organization establishes on a firmer footing the independence and the territorial integrity of our own country, and anything which weakens the Organization threatens the very independence which we strove so hard to achieve.
105. We, therefore, have the greatest appreciation of the efforts of those who have laboured patiently and unswervingly to find a solution to the very thorny problem which for some months has threatened to split the Organization asunder, if not to cause its complete disintegration.
106. There is a feeling in some quarters that this problem must be solved by private agreement between two major Powers and that the United Nations as a body can merely accept whatever is agreed upon. While it is true that at the present stage of our existence and under the present constitution of the United Nations, failure of the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to come to terms can easily result in a dissolution of the Organization or, at best, a radical change—and not for the better—in its character, we refuse to believe that our opinions are unimportant and that we have nothing to contribute in ideas or activities to the solution of the problem.
107. My delegation believes that whatever may be the deficiencies of the Charter, the misunderstandings or misconceived attitudes of the past, peace-keeping operations can hardly fail to be the concern of the United Nations as a whole, and should, in fact, be the responsibility of all Members.
108. Those who object to peace-keeping operations under the present arrangements fall into two groups. One group says in effect: "The United Nations is not a supra-national body and cannot therefore impose upon me a liability which I do not accept." The other group says: "The whole thing is illegal and therefore I refuse to participate."
109. I think that this Assembly should agree that any future arrangements for peace-keeping, while respecting the sovereign rights of individual States, must overcome the unwillingness of large Powers to accept responsibility for sharing in the implementation of decisions with which they do not agree. A means must be found for the operation to proceed, notwithstanding the absence of concurrence on the part of any individual member of the Security Council. It will not be easy to find such a solution, but I do not think the need for it can seriously be questioned.
110. Once we have found a way of coming to a decision on what action should be taken, it should not be too difficult to find a formula for sharing the costs. It is unnecessary at this stage to attempt to work out the details in this forum, but it is necessary to emphasize that, as far as the developing countries are concerned, it is important that they should be able to budget with a fair degree of accuracy in respect of their total obligations to the United Nations.
111. During the long generations when we were a dependency, our economic and political orientation was mainly in the direction of Europe and away from the South American continent. Despite this fact, there have grown up, over the years, very close contacts at all levels of society between ourselves and the South American people. Now that we are free—as free, that is, as any nation is free in the world today to determine its own destiny — we hope to continue and even to expand these relationships, based on a community of interests and outlook which easily transcends all language barriers.
112. This association is not supposed to be unilateral. We feel, in fact we know, that we have a contribution to make to hemispheric defence and solidarity, and to the economic and social development of the region. In our two small islands there are fewer than one million people — yet we represent perhaps the most cosmopolitan community on the face of the globe. Within an area of less than 2,000 square miles we accommodate peoples of all races, all colours, all religious persuasions — and varying shades of political opinion — and all of us live together in peace and harmony. Each pursues his lawful occupation with due respect for the rights of his fellow citizens; each is tolerant of the foibles and idiosyncrasies which must appear in such a society; but each is conscious, above all, of being a citizen of the free and independent sovereign State of Trinidad and Tobago. If I show a certain pride in making this assertion, it is because I feel that we in Trinidad and Tobago, by the help of Divine Providence and the wisdom of our leaders, have succeeded in solving a problem which for generations has plagued larger and more prosperous communities than ours and which, today, gives rise to many an issue which may ultimately involve the United Nations.
113. Trinidad and Tobago has also a long history of association with Canada and the United States of America. While the largest percentage of our trade is with the United Kingdom and Europe, quite a substantial portion is with our North American neighbours. One of our problems as a developing country has been how to devise ways and means of expanding our world trade and to get into markets previously closed to us for one reason or another.
114. Trinidad and Tobago is a primary producer in the main; our standard of living is greatly influenced by the uncertainties of world prices. In addition, we are adversely affected by the increasing gap between the prices of primary products and of manufactured goods. These problems we share with all developing countries and more particularly with the small sister nations of the Caribbean.
115. We therefore attach great importance to the recent United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held in Geneva in 1964. We welcome the coming together of the developing countries, so that we could put forward our views collectively, in accordance with needs common to us all and the special needs of our individual nations. We welcome the general recognition of the need to modify the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and to establish new and continuing machinery for trade and development.
116. Nevertheless, we are unhappy that there is a tendency in some quarters to regard Trinidad and Tobago as a country which has much less need of assistance than some others. Of course, there are degrees of under-development, and our income per capita is relatively high. We have a high percentage of literacy, and strong efforts are being made to expand education at all levels. But despite our small population we have a very high unemployment rate, which is rising with every year that passes.
117. Despite our attempts to establish new industries, the percentage of our labour force which is unemployed or under-employed rises annually, and despite all our pleas for relief my Government has had to finance our first Five-Year Development Programme almost entirely out of our own resources, utilizing for that purpose reserves as well as surplus balances. These reserves are not inexhaustible, and with the increased recurrent cost of completed development projects there are no longer surplus balances to invest in further development. And yet we are told in some quarters that Trinidad and Tobago does not qualify for aid. I should like those persons who hold that view to tell me how it is possible to explain to a highly literate population that their standard of living must fall, while they see evidence in neighbouring countries of a steady rise; or that more and more people every year will remain idle because there are no funds for further development, or that the children of the next generation will have even greater difficulty in getting into school than those of the present.
118. Trinidad and Tobago has for some years now represented an area of stability in the troubled Caribbean. We have worked hard and long to ensure that on independence we should have in our country political and social institutions based on democracy, the rule of law and respect for the rights of the individual. What we are being asked to do now is to allow all these to disappear, to disintegrate even more rapidly than we built them up and to permit our country to sink once more into the morass of despair from which we rescued it, with all the dangers which must ultimately flow therefrom. I do not think I need say more to convince this Assembly that it is both wrong and unwise to penalize a country for having made honest efforts to assist itself.
119. At some stage in the course of this session it will be necessary to direct our energies to an all too familiar but increasingly difficult problem — the representation of China in the United Nations. It is unnecessary to dwell on the unsatisfactory position which now exists, as a result of which, after nearly twenty years, the avowed aim of universality of the United Nations is still so far from realization. One-quarter of the world's population cannot be permanently excluded from a world body. The fact is that the People's Republic of China exists and exercises a considerable influence, not only in its own geographical vicinity, but also in more distant parts of the world. My delegation is convinced that appropriate steps must be taken to ensure that at any rate by the twentieth session of the General Assembly, this long overdue addition is made to the Membership of the United Nations.
120. I recognize that there are difficulties involved. I am not unmindful of the rights of the people of Taiwan and I do not suggest that they should fail to find representation in the General Assembly. This is why I referred above to "appropriate steps" being taken. Compromises have been effected before now, and will continue to be necessary, for the maintenance and strengthening of the United Nations.
121. One of several factors which contributed to the relaxed, cheerful and even optimistic attitude prevailing at the beginning of the eighteenth session was the conclusion of the partial nuclear test-ban treaty. Hopes for further progress were high and there seemed to be no reason to doubt that before too long the word "partial" would disappear from the description of the treaty. Unfortunately, no progress has been made. Instead, the world's atmosphere has been further polluted by a nuclear device detonated by the People's Republic of China. We would happily congratulate that country and its Government if it achieved a breakthrough in the ceaseless struggle against poverty, disease, illiteracy and general human degradation. However, we cannot but deplore an event which can only serve to add to the already too high sum-total of human wretchedness.
122. In your opening address, Mr.’ President [1286th meeting], you implored us to approach the work of this session in a spirit of frankness and courage; you pleaded for international morality. This is why we feel constrained to make this reference to a most regrettable occurrence, which does not underline the greatness and glory of a people with a history undoubtedly great and glorious. It merely poses further problems for China's neighbours in particular and for the world in general. We sincerely cherish the hope that these neighbours will not feel impelled to follow so unfortunate an example and that other countries will not forget their obligations under the Treaty of Moscow. Let us hope that China, having proved to itself that it was capable of doing what no one doubted was well within its capacity, will now yield to international world persuasion and turn its back on further nuclear pursuits.
123. No debate in this Assembly would be complete without some reference to the thorny problem of South Africa, that unhappy country where both Blacks and Whites are held in cruel bondage, the one by oppression and brutality and the other by an arrogance which finds no parallel in modern history. It is perhaps in respect of South Africa that the United Nations has registered its greatest failure to date. I refuse to believe that the inhuman racist practices which go on in South Africa are the concern of the people of South Africa only. I refuse to believe that this Assembly can, by invoking any Article of its Charter, wash its hands of this issue which strikes at the very root of the principles enshrined in the Charter. I refuse to believe that nations, for the sake of temporary private gain, will continue to ignore the pleas of millions of human being who are treated as though they have no right to exist and as though the Almighty Himself has committed an offence against their white South African brothers by creating them at all.
124. Dare we continue to close our eyes to these facts which cry to high heaven for vengeance? Dare we continue to sit in these halls and committee rooms and pass pious resolutions which only some will observe and which a few of those who passed them had no intention of observing? Can we continue to live with our consciences while we pay no more than lip service to the principles enshrined in our Charter?
125. The problem of South Africa is not one which can be solved by wishful thinking, or which will disappear with a wave of the hand. It is one of the facts of life with which we must grapple — and that speedily — if the world is not once more going to be plunged into a bloody holocaust. Let there be no mistake about this; all the evidence indicates that if the problem of South Africa is not solved by peaceful means it will be solved by bloody revolution; but solved it will be. Whatever the rest of the world might do there are indications that free Africa will not stand idly by and watch so many millions of their African brothers in chains; and once the movement starts who knows what the end will be? Who knows what forces will be unleashed — and once unleashed, who knows how they can be controlled? Twice in our lifetime there have been major conflagrations which eventually have dragged the whole world into their orbit. Since the end of World War H there have been further threats and many moments of crisis which have happily passed away. None of these has been as real or as urgent as the problem of South Africa. The United Nations must either act with firmness and promptitude in the case of South Africa or else stand for ever condemned before the bar of history.
126. Trinidad and Tobago was delighted to be among those who welcomed Malawi, Malta and Zambia as new Member States at the opening of the session; but even as we welcomed them, we could not help contrasting their happy position, despite the economic and administrative problems which must face them on becoming independent, with the state of affairs in Southern Rhodesia.
127. We were heartened by the initial action taken by the new Government in the United Kingdom regarding the situation in Southern Rhodesia. We appreciate the problems facing the United Kingdom Government; nevertheless, we are bound to point out that no political situation remains static. The position in Southern Rhodesia cannot be left to solve itself. With the awful example of South Africa ever present in our minds, we would be failing in our duty if we did not as a body urge the United Kingdom to move with dispatch towards a just and rational settlement.
128. What is the problem? The position is simply that a population of more than 3 million people is being held in thrall by a white minority of less than one-quarter i-i a million who claim, not only special privileges, but that all power and authority should rest in their hands, in flagrant denial of the fundamental rights of the majority. And this small minority of settlers living under a Constitution which makes a mockery of democracy, dares to threaten a unilateral declaration of independence.
129. Her Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom has indicated that it will not recognize such a declaration, but is that enough? Does lack of recognition imp>y any action to restore the rights of those who would, by that very declaration, be permanently disfranchised? The situation is not an easy one and Her Majesty's Government could quite reasonably argue that the responsibility for solving it rests with the United Kingdom Government, and not with the United Nations.
130. But since Southern Rhodesia raises problems affecting the very basis of democracy, and with the real possibility of having a second South Africa develop under our very eyes, this Assembly cannot fail to urge the United Kingdom to secure the release of imprisoned political leaders and ensure that the authentic voice of the people of Southern Rhodesia be heard in the preparation of a new constitution.
131. Southern Rhodesia must move on to independence as quickly as possible but only under a democratic Constitution based on the principle of one man, one vote, and with a guarantee that under such a constitution the elections preceding the grant of independence should be conducted in an atmosphere of freedom and complete impartiality. Today, the United Nations is composed of 115 Members. How many more will be added before this General Assembly meets for its twentieth session, we do not know. But if we who now deliberate in these halls keep ever before us the ideals of our Charter, we will not fail to conduct ourselves in a manner worthy of so distinguished an Organization and to provide the necessary inspiration to the new Members.