1. May I take this opportunity to convey to the delegation of Ceylon and, through it, to the Government and people of Ceylon, the heartfelt sympathy of the Indonesian delegation at the tragic death of the late Prime Minister, Mr. Bandaranaike. His sudden death came as a profound personal shock since I had the pleasure of associating with him at the Colombo Powers Conference in New Delhi, in 1956. 1 shall remember him always as a man dedicated to humanity and to peace.
2. The deep sympathy of the Indonesian delegation is also extended to the Government and people of Japan in this moment of their great human, and material loss caused by natural calamities. Our condolences go to the families of those who perished in the tragedy.
3. Mr. President, in the absence of our esteemed President, Mr. Belaúnde, may I ask you to be so kind as to convey to him the congratulations of my delegation on his election to the high office of President of the fourteenth session of the General Assembly. I am certain that under his wise guidance this Assembly will further the cause of world peace.
4. On the day preceding the opening of this session a man-made object was placed on the moon. This historic first flight of a Soviet rocket from the earth to another cosmic body confirmed once again man’s incredible skill in science and technology. In the unquenchable thirst to conquer new horizons, we have broken the terrestrial shackles. We are carrying out explorations into space. But how far have we progressed in our relations with our fellow man?
5. In contrast to the giant strides made in the scientific and technological fields, we continue to move with pygmy steps in the field of international relations. For the past decade and a half, our dreams of a better, more peaceful and secure world have remained mired in the frozen wastes of the “cold war”. Though we reach for the stars, we remain the victims of our own fears and suspicions. Even the acclaim for man's ingenuity in mastering the elements is sheathed in an atmosphere of alarm and apprehension,
6. Fearful of their security, nations seek protection behind arsenals of ever more powerful weapons of mass destruction. At the same time, the menace to our very survival compels us to concentrate our best energies on devising strait jackets for the instruments we have wrought. This is the schizophrenic condition to which we have descended. It is a measure of the moral gap resulting from our inability to display in our relations with one another the same kind of creativity we exhibit so profusely in the scientific laboratory. Can we bridge this moral gap? Can we free ourselves also from the shackles of fear? The answer must come from the community of nations.
7. The creation of the United Nations was an act of faith. It was the solemn affirmation that from the rubble of war would arise a new social order based on justice and equality. From bitter experience was born the determination to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. In the Charter of the United Nations are enshrined the aspirations and ideals of mankind.
8. Yet, as has so often been said, this Organization can be no more than the sum of the individual Member States. Inevitably it is cast in the image of world conditions. It is the centre for harmonizing the actions of nations, but reflects at the same time the existing disharmony.
9. On the agenda of the present session of the General Assembly are problems which were hardly thought of at the time of the founding of the United Nations. In 1945, only one great Power possessed the atom bomb, while the harnessing of thermo-nuclear energy was still in the speculative stage. A few short years ago, the question of outer space was a subject more suitable to science fiction than to this august body. Now it must be controlled to assure its peaceful use.
10. Along with these contemporary issues, there are problems on the agenda which have been with us since the beginning of the United Nations. We have not yet eradicated problems of such human import as those concerning racial discrimination and colonialism. We have still to succeed in making real headway on the question of disarmament and the economic development of under-developed countries.
11. Thus, the United Nations mirrors both our technical accomplishments and our moral shortcomings. It is, however, more than merely a barometer or road map of world events. It has also an active role to play in international affairs.
12. As regards the functions and activities of the United Nations, I have read with great interest the views expressed by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization. He points out that … “while the Charter establishes for its main organs the primary responsibility for the achievement of the purposes of the Organization, and gives access to its procedures to any State which appeals for its assistance for these purposes, the United Nations is not intended to be a substitute for normal procedures of reconciliation and mediation but rather an added instrument providing, within the limits of its competence, a further or ultimate support for the maintenance of peace and security.” [A/4143/Add.1, p. 1.] Indeed, this conception clearly emerges from the fact that the United Nations is an organization composed of sovereign nations. It is implicit in the provisions of the Charter. Moreover, numerous resolutions of the Organization, especially on political issues, recommend recourse to normal diplomatic procedures, as, for example, negotiations between the countries concerned.
13. No, there is no question of the United Nations displacing other means of mediation or conciliation. But what does concern us very much is the proper utilization of this added instrument of diplomacy. As also noted by the Secretary-General, it is necessary for us continuously to reconsider the ways in which the United Nations can best function and fulfil its purposes.
14. In this respect, it is appropriate to recall the reason for establishing this Organization as an additional instrument to preserve the peace. It was created not only with the expectation of maintaining for peaceful ends the close war-time collaboration among the great Powers but, equally, in recognition of the right of all countries to participate and co-operate in the solution of world problems. Peace and security in the international community have become the province and the concern of every nation, large and small.
15. Referring once more to the report of the Secretary-General, I should like to support and to underline his contention that no international policy for the future can be envisaged which does not recognize the principle of organized international co-operation on a basis of universality and, further, is not willing to give this principle adequate implementation in practice.
16. Within this context, the proper utilization of the United Nations as an added instrument for peace must mean the perfection of its integration With the other means of reconciliation and mediation at our disposal. A procedure of co-operative or complementary efforts on the part of the United Nations and the individual Member States is, indeed, the basic framework for the operation of the Organization and its specialized agencies. It is the touchstone for the settlement of problems in accordance with our Charter goals and, in the past year, we have seen it work successfully in the case of two aggravated issues.
17. The dedicated services of the United Nations Emergency Force, coupled with the United Nations “presence”, have considerably lessened tensions in the Middle East. Many problems still await resolution. Nevertheless, the joint efforts of the United Nations and the Governments concerned have brought about peace and stability in this sensitive area, and conditions under which friendly relations could be re-cemented. We are grateful for this development.
18. We also wish to take this opportunity to welcome the restoration of peace on the island of Cyprus. Following an intensive debate in this august body, wise statesmanship prevailed and an agreement was concluded among the parties concerned, in conformity with the Principles and Purposes of the Charter. We hope that the example of Cyprus will soon be followed by others.
19. So far the United Nations has only partially succeeded in discharging its responsibilities vis-A-vis colonial issues. We' are appreciative of the presence in this Assembly of many countries which have gained their independence in the post-war era. We particularly welcome those independent States of Asia and Africa which have joined the United Nations since the Bandung Conference.
20. On the other hand, we are keenly aware of the failure to eradicate colonialism completely from the face of the earth. As long as any people continues to suffer the indignities of colonial bondage, we cannot but feel that this Organization falls short of its purpose to strengthen universal peace by promoting and encouraging respect for fundamental human rights, and to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self- determination of peoples. We regret the many occasions on which the actions of the United Nations have run counter to these noble purposes. In consequence, acute colonial problems remain unresolved.
21. This is the fifth consecutive year that the question of Algeria appears on our agenda. Still the war continues in all its fury. Every week one can read the dismals announcements of its cost in human life. It is, however, impossible to describe in words or figures the intolerable suffering of the Algerian people. I shall not try to do so. We all know in our hearts that a peaceful and just solution must be found to this problem.
22. The Algerian people will achieve freedom and the right to govern their own lives. This is certain. What hangs in the balance now is the relationship of an independent Algeria with France and with the rest of the world in general. We of Indonesia support the people of Algeria in their struggle for independence. My Government has extended recognition to the Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria. We welcome its statesmanlike and constructive response to General de Gaulle's plan. I note, however, with some regret that no reference was made to this constructive response in the statement of the Foreign Minister of France this morning [814th meeting]. Nevertheless, it is our sincere hope that wisdom and foresight will prevail so that an understanding and a peaceful solution, of this cruel conflict .may be obtained before it is too late.
23. There is another outstanding colonial question which directly concerns my Government and people. It is the question of West Irian, which we brought to the attention of the United Nations on four separate occasions. Our aim was to find a peaceful solution to this dispute. We take seriously our obligations under the Charter, as well as the principles on which it stands. Unfortunately, a minority prevented this Organization from adopting the appropriate recommendations. So we were left with no recourse but to seek a solution of this festering dispute by other means. For that reason, we did not request the inscription of this item in the agenda of last year's session of the General Assembly, nor have we requested its inscription this year. But the dispute persists.
24. Let me repeat here what I said last year: The Government and people of Indonesia are determined to remove this illegal remnant of colonialism and to reunite West Irian with the rest of Indonesia. We shall continue the struggle. We are confident of success because our cause is just: the fulfilment of the human spirit in freedom.
25. I turn, now to the record of United Nations activities during the past year with respect to the economic development of the less developed countries. Today, the majority of the world's populations still faces the spectre of hunger and disease. The men who drafted the United Nations Charter recognized that economic well-being and security are prerequisites for peaceful and friendly relations among nations. We must repay these men for the legacy they gave us, not only by preserving the spirit of their ideals, but by implementing them in a practical way.
26. At this juncture, when we examine the progress that has been made and chart our future course of action accordingly, we note with satisfaction the proliferation of international agencies in the social and cultural fields. However, in the broader sphere of economic development, present international efforts to alleviate backwardness among the majority of peoples are far from adequate to produce tangible results.
27. The less developed countries are uniformly faced with difficulties in their efforts to diversify their economies and gain economic health. First, there is the dual problem of declining and fluctuating prices of primary commodities, which constitute their chief source of revenue. After the Havana Charter failed to materialize, the less developed countries tried through various bodies of the United Nations, particularly the Commission on International Commodity Trade, to stabilize international commodity trade and thereby improve their terms of trade. But these efforts have not met with substantial success. Instead, as a result of the deterioration of terms of trade, the capacity of the less developed countries to import manufactured goods, including capital equipment, has decreased.
28. It is regrettable indeed that the less developed countries have thus fat been unsuccessful in convincing the economically more advanced countries of the urgent need to find a more general and simultaneous approach to the problem of stabilizing prices than the "commodity by commodity" one. It is certainly to the advantage of the industrialized countries that they create larger markets for their products. But only if a fair relationship is established between the prices of raw materials and manufactured goods will the less developed countries increase their purchasing power. It is imperative, therefore, that we recognize and act in accordance with the principles of the economic interdependence of all nations of the world.
29. The less developed countries require capital in order to carry out long-term development projects. For this purpose, there should be an agency operating under the aegis of the United Nations to provide facilities for financing loans on more liberal terms than those obtainable through (ordinary banking agencies. In view of this need, the Indonesian delegation is strongly in favour of a United Nations capital development fund. The establishment of such a fund within the framework of the United Nations would ensure an operation free from the pressure of private individuals and of narrow national interests. It would enable the less developed countries to acquire soft loans with no strings attached. Moreover, a United Nations capital development fund would significantly supplement the existing United Nations lending and technical assistance agencies which, commendable as their efforts maybe, are limited in the scope of their activities because of insufficient financial resources. As revealed in the United Nations World Economic Survey. 1958. international efforts have thus far been inadequate to "permit a significant breakthrough in economic development".
30. Indonesia is confronted with the huge task of nullifying the effects of centuries of colonial domination. We know that in our endeavours for economic improvement, we must rely upon ourselves. We are taking the necessary measures in a manner dictated by our national interest, so as to extract the greatest possible wealth from our natural resources. It is both the right and the obligation of the Indonesian Government to fulfil this responsibility towards its people.
31. Until recently, our resources were exploited to a large extent for the benefit of a foreign Power. At the time of independence, the ex-colonial Power took it for granted that its privileged status would continue, and that, by withholding a certain part of Indonesian territory and unilaterally including this territory in its colonial empire, it would be in a favourable bargaining position. This represents a mental attitude that has no place in the present day and age. Under mid-twentieth century standards, this way of. thinking was doomed to failure. And the attempt to resurrect it now for the purpose of exerting pressure is incredible and certainly deplorable.
32. In the name of the self-proclaimed "twentieth century" standards of International conduct, the representative of the Netherlands the other day enunciated a policy of withholding aid unless the developing nations accepted his standards of good behaviour. But surely the willingness of a nation to submit indefinitely to colonial economic status cannot be a yardstick of internationally acceptable behaviour. Speaking for ourselves, and we believe also for the great majority of the new nations, we assure the Assembly that we would not be parties to an aid arrangement on any such inequitable terms. We assume, indeed, that it is now universally recognized that the granting of economic assistance should not be conditioned on political terms.
33. I have spoken about two discordant forces in the international community; colonialism which divides the world into free and subject peoples, and poverty which divides it into the haves and have-nots. But overshadowing both these forces, and complicating and making more difficult their elimination, is the cold war which splits the world of man into two distrustful camps.
34. This phenomenon of the modern age has cast a pall of fear over all our labours. Nor has it left the United Nations unscathed. Compelled to function in a hostile atmosphere of mutual suspicion, its activities in many fields have been seriously curtailed and even stalemated. Nevertheless, the Organization has endured. It must endure because there is no other alternative to international co-operation than a world in ashes.
35. It is this realization that has stimulated the renewed activities of the past year to remove the causes of cold-war tensions. And the mere fact that most of these activities have been initiated outside the United Nations does not disturb us. We are happy to support every effort designed to remove existing differences in the interest of peace.
36. Moreover, it has always been our considered opinion that only through constant contacts and exchanges of ideas can we achieve better understanding and more creative relationships. Therefore, we warmly welcome the exchange of visits by heads of States and, in particular, the current reciprocal meetings of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and the President of the United States. We shall follow their conversations with intense interest, and it is our hope that they may produce agreements upon which we can build the edifice of a more peaceful and prosperous world.
37. At the same time, we firmly believe that every outside effort to create conditions of stability and wellbeing must be met with a positive and complementary response within the United Nations In other words, this international forum should not only benefit from but also actively contribute to the thawing of the cold war. We should certainly refrain from actions that may impede the hopeful signs of an improvement in East-West relations.
38. It is in the field of disarmament that the United Nations should make its foremost contribution to the alleviation of human distress and tensions. This is the testing ground of its potency for peace. There can be no doubt that the saturation point has long been passed in the frenzied effort to accumulate and perfect ever more terrifying weapons of mass destruction. Total annihilation stares mankind in the face. We can go no farther in this direction. The arms race must stop. We must begin now to apply bold measures commensurate with the total danger.
39. On 18 September last, Mr. Khrushchev appeared before this august body [799th meeting] and presented proposals for general and complete disarmament. We welcome these proposals of the Soviet Government. They correspond with the policy of peace advocated by the Government and people of Indonesia. They are imaginative in spirit and revolutionary in scope.
40. We believe that both the Soviet programme of universal disarmament and the disarmament plan submitted by the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, Mr. Selwyn Lloyd [798th meeting], deserve the most serious consideration.
41. But aside from the careful examination of these programmes, it is imperative that we have faith in one another's intentions. There must be trust. Only if there is trust can we hope to match the miracles of science with a miracle in the history of human relations.
42. In the meantime, since Oven miracles take time to unfold, an agreement must be attained on the discontinuance of nuclear and thermo-nuclear tests so that mankind may be freed forever from the terror of these weapons. The unswerving position of Indonesia on this matter was once again reiterated by President Sukarno in his Independence Day address on 17 August of this year, when he called for the immediate prohibition of all experiments, all manufacture and all use of thermo-nuclear weapons,
43. I should also like to refer to the words of President Sukarno in regard to the urgent question of French nuclear tests in the Sahara. Expressing the strong sentiments of the Indonesian people and Government, the President said: "I trust that the better part of wisdom will prevail upon the French nation and that they will bring themselves to abandon their projected nuclear bomb tests in the Sahara.... It would be against the feelings of justice and fair play if the population of Africa would have to suffer from the aftermath of the nuclear tests." It is the hope of the Indonesian delegation that the collective conscience of mankind, given voice in this international body, will be able to induce France to desist from its stand and to strive instead for nuclear prestige in the peaceful uses of atomic energy. The harnessing of the atom for peace will certainly accrue to the greatness of France and excite admiration and praise.
44. Although this session of the General Assembly is only a few weeks old and we are still looking ahead to its deeds, it has already disposed of one important issue. I have in mind the question of the representation of China in the United Nations. I am, of course, using the words "disposed of" advisedly since, in actuality, we know that this issue cannot be disposed of as long as China, a permanent member of the Security Council, is improperly represented in this Organization. No matter how hard one may try, it is impossible to evade the confrontation with reality. On every problem bearing upon the peace and security of the world, the actions of the United Nations are crippled by the fact that the representatives of the People's Republic of China do not partake in our discussions and decisions.
45. The Indonesian delegation regrets very much, therefore, the decision to place the question of China's representation in moratorium for another year. This harms the United Nations. To refuse even to discuss this issue shows a lack of faith in the maturity of this Assembly. Moreover, it is a chance missed for attaining a better understanding of developments in a major country of Asia — developments which inevitably have their repercussions throughout the Asian continent.
46. In this connexion, I should like to inform this international forum about recent events in my own country. Occurrences in Indonesia and in other parts of Asia have provoked many questions and even much soul searching, the sum of which is: Can democracy survive in Asia?
47. We have also asked this question of ourselves. We believe in democracy as a form of government and a way of life. Having fought for it, we want to make it work in Indonesia. And because we were concerned about democracy, because we care, we initiated certain measures based on the firm belief that, to succeed, our democracy, which we call "guided democracy", must be adapted to fit the national garment. This was our first major conclusion: We ourselves must find the form of democratic government best suited to our national traditions and customs, to our capabilities and our needs.
48. So, as other nations have done before us, we took the necessary steps to adapt the institutions of democratic government to Indonesian conditions and requirements. We abandoned the whole-sale adoption of Western parliamentary democracy. In the summer of this year, with the unanimous sanction of Parliament, we readopted our Constitution of 1945. This further development of the Indonesian democratic system provides for the proper representation of important and dynamic social groups in our Parliament, as well as in other governmental bodies. It also ensures the adequate representation of the armed forces, which have a vital role to play in the present stage of our national life. Most important of all, however, the return to our Constitution of 1945 guarantees governmental stability. The Cabinet, appointed by and responsible to the President, remains in office for a period of five years. In turn, the President and the Vice-President will be elected for five-year terms, and they will be responsible to the supreme representative body of the people. This procedure eliminates the frequent cabinet crises of the past and allows for more continuous implementation of State policy.
49. Additional measures are being drafted to promote stability in government. These include the presentation to Parliament of bills concerning the deduction of the number of political parties, of which we have too many, and an improved system of election. We have established a National Planning Council which has the responsibility of drawing up a blueprint for over-all national reconstruction within the framework of the 1945 Constitution, with particular emphasis on economic development.
50. Every one of these actions — the readoption of our 1945 Constitution, the establishment of our National Planning Council, the impending enactment of laws concerning a reduction in the number of political parties and an improved system of election — are designed to provide us with a democratic structure adapted to the Indonesian identity and conditions. We believe that they constitute, and should be viewed as, a constructive and creative endeavour to safeguard and indeed promote the growth of real democracy in Indonesia. While instituting these changes in the domestic field, Indonesia continues to adhere to its active and independent foreign policy. We seek to preserve and develop friendly relations with all nations on the basis of the Bandung principles and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
51. In conclusion, I wish to express the hope that this General Assembly will make a real beginning toward resolving the critical international problems. Let us sincerely strive to dissolve the sources of fear and tension, so that the human and economic resources of the world may be applied solely to promoting the wellbeing and health of mankind. The skills and means are available to properly feed, clothe and shelter every human being. Poverty and disease can be eradicated. These could be our accomplishments in a world where the instruments' and materials of man’s unlimited intellect are. used constructively and imaginatively for peace. This is the exciting prospect and challenge before us. It is our hope.