82. Mr. President, allow me through you to offer to Mr. Belaúnde the warmest congratulations of my delegation on his Unanimous election to the highest office in our Organization. But the gratification and joy felt by my delegation, as well as the unreserved admiration which Mr. Belaúnde’s outstanding career and moral stature have earned from my country and Government, are not only a tribute to his personality as one of the most eminent statesmen of Latin America; we also feel that in the presidency of this Assembly; Mr. Belaúnde is carrying with him the symbol of the greatest traditions of our common Iberian heritage, as well as the noblest aspirations of the United Nations. His indefatigable work in our Organization throughout the years, his brilliance of mind, his diplomatic tact and his unshakable faith in the destinies of man are, to all of us, the most treasured inspiration in these times of uncertainty and desperate quest for peace.
83. As the years go by, and in spite of the trying tests of international disharmony, the United Nations has played a most influential part in the life of mankind. Even though it often is misused as a propaganda stage for the selfish interests of some Governments, its stature as a world forum, as a kind of rallying point of the community of nations, has grown steadily, and its accomplishments in helping to safeguard world peace in more than one instance are the more praiseworthy and gratifying because the United Nations has had to overcome many difficulties placed in its path;
84. The international scene is still the anxious searching ground for peace — for a real peace built on justice and security, which has not truly existed in the world for some decades. During our generation mankind has endured much suffering: two world wars and their aftermath have brought to the peoples of the earth countless ordeals. For some, the hardship reached high on the spiral of human endurance, for they saw, and often suffered, cruel tyranny, pitiless annihilation, starvation, and the strangling of thought and social life.
85. On the other hand, mankind gained new and most impressive potentialities by virtue of scientific and technological developments of a scope capable of bringing unprecedented benefits to the economic and social life of all peoples.
86. Unfortunately, it has so far proved impossible to fully harvest the benefits one could reasonably expect from such discoveries, notwithstanding the earnest desire of peoples and Governments. This is the unhappy price which the future of humanity is paying for the dangerous political and military situation which has been cur shadow for several years. The peoples of the earth today may appear, to the observer from another planet, somewhat like acrobats hanging on to the brim of a volcano, listening to its permanent rumblings and being occasionally jolted by its sporadic eruptions. Again, as he who risks the abrupt undoing of years of training when making a false step on the high wire, the human race risks complete obliteration of itself and of the civilization which it built slowly and painfully in the course of the centuries. The ghastly truth is that either man proves himself capable of controlling the destructive forces he has created or else, if he continues to toy with the atomic and thermo-nuclear forces, he is headed for self-annihilation. If the thinking man is unable to live in peace with himself, he cannot expect that the new powers he has created will serve him peacefully as they should.
87. The cause of peace continues to be disturbed by the dragging conflict between the free world and the communist world and by the clash between their different political philosophies and ways of life. The issues involved are of common knowledge. I shall not dwell on them. Certain glimpses of hope emerging on the international horizon during the recent days and weeks certainly deserve our collective encouragement in the search for a mutual Understanding and for an equitable modus vivendi. Doubtless, it is to be hoped that in the minds of the political leaders of the world certain unquenchable concepts may take strong roots and be given vital priority — the priority of the survival of humanity, for the modern weapons of destruction and the organization of defence which had to be set up, would make any attempt at imperialistic expansion the fuse of a third and thoroughly calamitous world war. The fearful prospect of mutual destruction must thus appear increasingly impracticable.
88. On this rational and practical basis, the cold war should be wiped off the tormented stage of our contemporary world, giving way to a policy of peaceful coexistence — the equitable modus vivendi which the force of destiny has inexorably made a sine qua non condition for the survival of the next generation and of the generations to come. Even if we think selfishly in terms of our own generation alone, let us consider the fervent hopes of all peoples today — that the easing of political tensions would permit drastic curtailment of the phenomenal military expenditures, much to the advantage of the economic well-being of the populations ci the world.
89. The serious recognition by those concerned that war would be absolute insanity, and the related abandonment of the use of force to promote territorial gains or to disseminate revolutionary doctrines would be in itself a fundamental contribution to the cause of peace. In the light of recent developments, what then can we expect, with a measure of guarded optimism? Hopefully, a truce in the cold war, a reduction of International tensions, new attempts to secure a platform for better understanding and good will, and the genuine practice of peaceful coexistence and not its mere preaching. These would be indeed great blessings, for the peoples of the world are tired of the cold war, as they are of the economic sacrifices it entails. Yet, we should not allow ourselves to be carried away by premature optimism or misjudged wishful thinking, lest the delivery should aggravate rather than relieve the labour. The world expects genuine acts to follow the proclaimed intentions, before it can be convinced that a true and honest policy of peaceful coexistence is being pursued.
90. For one thing, peaceful coexistence would require the abandonment of hostile propaganda as well as scrupulous non-intervention, in the Internal affairs of other States. It would signify the settlement of disputes without threats of force; it would imply the fulfilment of international conventions, the scrapping of plans for domination of others and for subversion; and it would demand sincere and loyal collaboration in the solution of problems of common interest to all States.
91. The application of these principles is not new to some countries — it is, in fact, a normal procedure of their policy — but it would certainly mean a totally new outlook for some other States. A reversal of political attitude in international relations would be, for the latter, the necessary premise to take on, convincingly, the principles of peaceful coexistence. Hence the great difficulty. The free world, which, as a matter of course, subscribes to such principles in practice, faces today the uncertainty of whether or not the mentality behind the words? of peace coming from other quarters is semantically harmonious with the verbal expressions we hear. For one thing, there can be no peaceful coexistence if world subversion should be allowed to disseminate freely from certain "privileged" areas.
92. There again, if the clearing of the atmosphere for which we yearn were to lead to a soft attitude of conformity or to the premature weakening of the barrier of self-defence, while others maintained their active policy of expansion, doctrinary and otherwise, then we would render a disservice to peace by allowing the principle of defence of our civilization to be replaced by a fallible notion of trust without trustful deeds.
93. While stressing such difficulties and dangers, it is not the intention of my delegation to detract from the purposes and merits of the principle of peaceful coexistence itself. Quite the contrary, what we earnestly hope is that the thorns and difficulties on the path to peaceful coexistence will be removed or overcome. Thus, my delegation sincerely welcomes any efforts that can reasonably be made — gradually as it must necessarily be — with the aim of establishing concrete and workable measures which world bring about a relief from political tensions and a positive beginning to the solution of the most pressing problems of the moment.
94. Among these, we have uppermost in our minds the problems of Germany and disarmament. The problem of Germany is, in my delegation’s view, the problem of its ultimate reunification, as no other just solution is conceivable. Manifestly, the reunification of Germany is an indispensable foundation for the maintenance of peace in Europe and in the world. While deploring that the Geneva Conference of Foreign Ministers failed to produce positive agreements, we believe it has had at least the merit of opening the way for further talks, at whatever level, on the crucial problem of Berlin.
95. It is distressing to us that the problem of disarmament continues in the same protracted deadlock. Negotiations on the problem as a whole have not taken place in this Organization or outside of it since 1957, and this fact is to be deplored. Fortunately, recent developments give us the assurance that this intricate problem will be taken up anew by the negotiating body agreed upon during the last Geneva Conference of the four Foreign Ministers.
96. We hope for a fresh start, and let no strenuous efforts be spared in order to arrive at concrete and substantial results on as wide a range as possible, despite the fact that they shall have to be of a preliminary character. The task is a trying one, we know, but it becomes the moral duty of every one of us to support the new body and to encourage its members in their work. The disarmament dilemma is primarily in the hands of the major Powers, but obviously it is also of vital concern to every single member of the community of nations.
97. For this reason, I am in entire agreement with those speakers who have stressed the necessity to set up linking channels between the new negotiating body and the United Nations, as it is with our Organization that the ultimate responsibility for general measures of disarmament rests.
98. My delegation heard with great interest the statements before the Assembly by the United Kingdom Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Selwyn Lloyd [798th meeting], the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Herter [797th meeting], and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, Mr. Khrushchev [799th meeting], bearing in mind the special responsibility of their three countries on matters of disarmament. Each one of them rightly emphasized the necessity for approaching the subject in a forceful and urgent manner. In doing so, they reflected the common aspiration of all the peoples of the world. While my delegation holds serious doubts on whether Mr. Khrushchev spoke with the intention of being entirely realistic about the problem, it is none the less gratifying to note the great concern which the question of disarmament is causing his Government.
99. My delegation agrees with the view of the vast majority of the peoples of the free world that any disarmament agreement or agreements, partial or comprehensive, can only be dependable if self-preservation goes with it; that is, disarmament with security for all. Starting from this axiomatic premise, and considering the international tensions and mutual suspicion extant, we also believe that any workable disarmament agreement cannot be based merely on a paper treaty or a gentlemen's agreement; it is indispensable that every country of the world accept a genuine and practicable system of international observation and control over their armaments or the balanced reduction of their armaments. This has been, and it will always be, the crux of the whole problem of disarmament.
100. As regards the problems relating to the peaceful uses of outer space, we believe the United Nations has a decisive role to fulfil in this ever-increasingly important field — urgently too, considering the rapid advances being made by science to extend man's sphere of activity beyond our planet. The dream of the universe belongs equally to all members of the community of nations. Therefore, it is legitimate to expect that the question of the peaceful use of outer space will be the one common goal susceptible of uniting every country with the same fervour and willingness to work together, constructively and harmoniously, under the aegis of our Organization. We sincerely hope that it will be so, in spite of certain preliminary difficulties which have arisen.
101. Concurrently with the East-West conflict, and apart from other problems in other areas of the world, there arise with particular importance the political events In Africa, the problems of economic progress and the world-wide desire to increase the standard of living of peoples.
102. As it might be expected, my country's old standing in Africa, going back many centuries, justifies our very special interest in the economic, social and political development of that continent. We have long historical ties with all other peoples of Africa, and my country warmly welcomes the new African States which have joined the community of nations. Portugal will always be ready to co-operate with them in all questions of general and mutual Interest. My country's ties with the other African nations have in no way been weakened nowadays; much to the contrary. Once again, they came very much to our minds on the occasion of a State visit which the renowned head of a noble and glorious African nation paid recently to my country. I am referring to the honour done to us by the visit of His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, whom the Portuguese people greeted warmly and respectfully.
103. Being simultaneously in different continents, namely, Europe and in Africa, Portugal follows with the greatest of interest the political developments taking place in the African continent. For one, we are convinced that both continents complement each other, and that they are Interdependent for their welfare^ for their defence, and for their survival in dignity and security. Similarly, each of the two continents requires the support of the other, if their respective economies are to prosper.
104. As a country with the largest part of its national territory in Africa, and practically half of its population, Portugal could not fail to attach vital importance to the process of enhancing the economic development of the African countries and territories, as well as to the parallel pattern of the raising of their populations to higher forms of social structure and government. In this respect, and broadly speaking, three different tendencies are evident.
105. The United Kingdom has set itself one objective; namely, the formation of new independent countries, while keeping the doors open for them to be freely associated in the Commonwealth. This process has been based on the traditional character of British action in Africa, which has consistently followed certain well known principles.
106. For its turn, France has travelled in another direction; autonomous States were created, which decided to be associated with France, the whole structure constituting the Community.
107. A third historical process is presented in my country. In its particular case, and throughout the centuries, an entirely different picture has been developed. It originated with the steady and consistent application of certain basic principles of high humane brotherhood, and from them emerged a national society made up of different races and different cultures. This multi-racial society has always been and is politically embodied in a Unitarian nation and a Unitarian State territorially spread, not unlike other States and nations, in more than one continent. All this has been a tendency of old which presently became the basic national policy, built upon the interlacement of peoples of different races, colours and religions. Parallel to a mutual feeling of complete absence of racial discrimination — which in itself has always been one of the cornerstones of my country's social and political organization — we are inspired by the lofty principles of Christianity and human fraternity, always aiming at providing equal means of access to social and political development for all.
108. The very outlook of the, shall we say, original Portuguese was a strong factor in guiding our country to that policy, for he had Inherited from the multiracial formation of continental Portugal itself the moral and mental attitude which led to his social alloyage with other peoples. This was the way in which Portugal dispersed in shape but united in spirit, grew in the four corners of the earth. Looking intently and objectively at all the constituent units of the nation, the keen observer will find a common feeling — specifically, that the reality of the Portuguese nation as a whole is everywhere in the minds of the people, in their institutions and in their ways of life.
109. We firmly believe in our system. We sincerely believe in the nobility of our principles, as others believe in theirs. Therefore, these remarks are not aimed at milking any comparisons. In any case, we are dealing with historical facts for which it would be fatuous to seek an adaptation to unrelated yardsticks. History alone will have the authority for a verdict. If my delegation considers it pertinent to dwell at some length on the subject, it is because there have been too many generalizations on the issues of Africa, voiced by delegations moved by purposes of their own. When there is abusive Influence and pressure from abroad, a nation has a right to call the attention of the misinformed ones to the irrefutable evidence of history. The system through which the Portuguese nation has become the reality it is today does not represent an overnight expediency; it has been fully put to the test of time and its survival bears out the proof of its stability. Its moral and political oneness has been proved time and again — particularly in times of crisis — for the solidarity, of every province in resisting external enemies and their loyalty to the nation, many a time with great sacrifice and risk, are the indestructible essence of the Portuguese nationality.
110. Incidentally, it occurs to me to touch briefly upon another point. I wish to assure the delegation of Ghana that there is no reason for their alleged apprehension, as it were, in regard to Angola as there is possibly no more reason for any apprehension of this Assembly in respect of the conditions in Ghana itself. Also, the wishes voiced by the same delegation [807th meeting] to the effect that my Government should submit Information to the United Nations, in the context I presume they had in mind, have no base whatever in the Charter or in any other document, in fact, we cannot accept any specific international status which would differentiate between parts of the same national territory: all of them and their respective populations, against whom any discrimination would be intolerable, are independent with the Independence of the nation.
111. Incidentally again, the representative of Guinea in his speech before the Assembly [818th meeting] made some gratuitous and unjustified remarks about my country. We honestly feel that a new State such as Guinea must have too many problems of its own to be dwelling in propaganda for propaganda's sake, or to be trying to interfere in the internal affairs of other States.
112. I now turn to matters of no less importance which are of paramount interest to all of us. I have in mind the world-wide economic problems confronting all nations Individually, as well as the international community as a whole.
113. Notwithstanding the remarkable scientific and technical developments — likewise it is only fair to point out the encouraging improvements taking place in many parts of the world — the unfortunate fact remains that the majority of mankind is still far from enjoying a full share of life, free from poverty, disease and other similar misfortunes. In this connexion, we have to concentrate and co-ordinate all our efforts. International co-operation being essential, the United Nations and its specialized agencies must be prepared to play an important role. In fact, during the current session of the Assembly, many important subjects in the economic and social fields are to be debated, and we only hope that we may succeed in finding solutions which bring about satisfactory results, giving hopes for the eventual solution of the problem of under-development. Such co-operation is fundamental. Otherwise, the gap now existing between the wealthy countries and the less developed nations would tend to grow so wide as to become unbridgeable. However, it should be noted that constructive co-operation in that field must take into account one condition, namely, the integration into the national economy of such factors as technical skill and capital. In this respect, the Technical Assistance Programmes and the Special Fund have provided a valuable contribution.
114. The situation is not as encouraging in respect of international financing. The funds made available for improvements and investments by international bodies will always be so small in relation to existing and increasing needs that they ought to be considered gestures of good will rather than an effective means of solving all difficulties. We therefore believe that conditions should be created in each country so as to attract private investment, convinced as we are that it will always play a most important part in the development of the world's wealth. The steps already taken or under consideration by IBRD are meant to foster the progress of less developed nations. It is to be hoped, and my delegation certainly shares this hope, that such measures shall have a favourable bearing not only on individual nations, but also on the Operation Pan-America, as well as in regard to other forms of regional co-operation in other areas of the world.
115. My delegation follows, with great attention and care the problems of International co-operation in the economic field, as my country's economy depends to a large extent on international trade. In this respect, the outcome of the international action regarding primary commodities and the consequences of the establishment of regional markets, whether on a European scale or even wider, may dislocate the traditional direction of our foreign trade and may have a bearing on the rate of our economic growth. We follow these problems with keen Interest, and we believe that the search for fair and equitable solutions, will benefit the general development.
116. Despite the enormous difficulties of establishing measures which would avoid great price fluctuations on the primary products, my delegation believes that the obstacles are not insurmountable, if the problem should be approached in a spirit of good will and solidarity. The objective of stabilizing the prices of basic products can only be reached by reciprocal concessions. Experience shows that, if such a spirit of solidarity and reciprocity exists, it is possible to reach just and equitable solutions, even though calling for certain individual sacrifices. A case in point was recently demonstrated by my country during the negotiations for the international coffee agreement with several Latin-American, African and European countries.
117. Another important body of the United Nations' for international co-operation in the economic field is the Economic Commission for Africa, whose first session was held in January last in Addis Ababa. We participated in the work of the Commission, and we did so with enthusiasm and a constructive spirit. We feel that the results achieved during that first session are encouraging, although, on some occasions, certain matters quite outside the scope of the Commission were brought forth. We hope, however, that the Economic Commission for Africa may avoid such a procedure in its future meetings by not allowing itself to be carried along a path which would be detrimental to the best interests of all concerned. In the meantime, and with that hope in mind, we are cooperating whole-heartedly in implementing, in so far as we are concerned, the resolutions and recommendations adopted at Addis Ababa. We shall be doing our utmost in that direction and provide the assistance of our technicians and competent agencies as well as several scholarships for African graduates in Portuguese departments. Thus, we are doing our share to carry out the agreed programme in accordance with the order of priorities recommended by the Commission. We have no doubt that at the next session, to be held within a few months in Morocco, we shall be able to see the fruit of the Commission’s work, as the ground for future development and progress, to the benefit of the whole continent of Africa, is being paved.
118. On a wider scale, my own Government is engaged on the implementation of a large plan of development in all parts of the nation. A first six-year plan had been completed, and a second six-year plan started in January last. It is not my intention to burden the Assembly with details. I will merely point out that the current plan of development envisages a total of public investments of the order of 1,000 million dollars; and it is estimated that further investments from private capital will bring that total to 2,000 million dollars for the period ending in 1964. This effort, supported as it will be almost entirely by national resources, is estimated to complete the infrastructure necessary for further developments and, at the same time, to provide for an annual increase of between 4 per cent and 5 per cent of the national gross product. To that end steps have already been taken, namely the establishment of a Development Bank, which has the largest capitalization of any Portuguese corporation to date, and the co-operation with international institutions as IBRD and IMF. With the monetary and financial stabilization which has been and is a permanent feature of our policy, and with the help of any foreign capital or loans which may be forthcoming, we hope to achieve fruitful results in the fight for better conditions and higher standards of life for the Portuguese peoples.
119. As my Prime Minister said in a recent speech: "We are a modest nation which does not claim high rates of wealth, production or standards of living, but our accounts are up-to-date, and we maintain free international trade and monetary exchange with all nations, securing the value of our currency and supporting our population adequately. We do not seek to impose our political ideas or institutions on others nor do we create difficulties in their lives. We do not disturb the peace and we collaborate loyally in the international bodies. No State holds against us any claim or any well-founded complaints or pretentions to which in all justice we owe any satisfaction. We work hard and try to progress as much as possible, without unduly relying on outside help, so as to improve our people's lives without detriment to the spirit of solidarity" which unites us to the rest of the world. Any foreigner may visit us, travel freely all over our territory, see for himself, ask questions, obtain information, and form for himself an accurate and objective idea of what our life is like."
120. I venture to believe that in our national life and in the international field we are endeavouring to live up to the best guiding principles of the community of nations.