38. I regret that, on the occasion of offering Mr. Belaúnde, the President of the General Assembly, my delegation's congratulations on his election, I am also compelled by the circumstance of his illness to ask your, Mr. President, to convey to him our sincere wishes for his speedy recovery; I hope that those wishes will soon become a reality. 39. During the year which has passed since the last session of the United Nations General Assembly there has been an appreciable change in the international atmosphere. There can be no doubt that in the widest circles of world opinion there is an increasing awareness of the need to seek and find a solution to the international problems upon which world peace hinges. 40. It is, in my opinion, a happy coincidence that the present session Of the General Assembly should have opened simultaneously with the meeting of the Heads of the Governments of the Soviet Union and the United States. We have thus been the direct witnesses of an event which has initiated a new stage in the East-West dialogue and will have a lasting effect on the political thinking of millions of people in the world. 41. That fact should have some Influence on the atmosphere in which our future debates will take place. But that is by no means all: the deep significance of this meeting is, inter alia, that it will enable us better to understand the important changes which have recently occurred in international relations and the prospects of their farther evolution, and to consider in a new light the problems which have for many years been the subject of international discussions and of debate in our Assembly. 42. We have to our credit in recent years the progress made along the path of political realism and good sense in international relations. Awareness of essential contemporary historical facts Is becoming general. The first of these essential facts is the development of the socialist system; that is an irreversible process which nothing can halt. The existence in the world of two different economic and social systems is an abiding characteristic of our time. The second of these essential facts is the ultimate crisis of the colonial system and that too is irreversible and final. The third of these facts is the development of twentieth century science and technology; this has made it imperative for our generation to make its final choice between war and peace. The logical conclusion is being more and more widely recognized: the only possible form of existence in our day is peaceful and lasting coexistence. 43. The very fact of the existence of two divergent social systems means that coexistence cannot but be a form of competition, but it can only be peaceful competition, competition in the matter of progress. Coexistence should al jo mean co-operation, for without co-operation it could be neither stable nor truly peaceful. The historical necessity of our time is peaceful and stable coexistence and not an armed truce. That means peaceful competition, international co-operation, disarmament and collective security. 44. We all know that the transition from the cold war to stable and peaceful coexistence is a process calling for the elimination of many obstacles and prejudices, as also of many deliberate obstructions and objective difficulties. 45. We shall have to settle a whole series of key problems which have been familiar for years, which have hitherto been discussed without result and which are growing graver and are poisoning international relations. The solution was already there but the problems remained insoluble by reason of the application of a method, in fact of a doctrine, which consisted of pushing very grave problems to the point of crisis, in the hope of settling them from a "position of strength". 46. Such problems can be settled, and in the cases where settlement must be a gradual process we can at least make a start, provided we initiate our efforts from a position of peaceful coexistence, for that, after all, is the only possible solution. The policy of positions of strength is materially out-dated and morally discredited. 47. To build up this system of stable and peaceful coexistence, it is not enough to settle the most outstanding political problems by negotiation and agreement. International co-operation in all fields will have to be increased by persevering and steady efforts on the part of all countries, large and small. 48. The development of international trade and economic co-operation plays a central part in this field. The problem may be tackled either from a cold war position or from a position of peaceful coexistence. International trade may be considered either as an extension of the position of strength policy or as a means of bringing peoples closer together. Various formulae for the organization of international economic life can be applied either to divide the world or to unite it, to impede the normal development of an increasing flow of goods and services or to help in a rational international distribution of labour for the greatest good of all. Assistance to under-developed countries can become an admirable means to progress or it can serve to bring about the economic and political enslavement of peoples. 49. These questions of international co-operation should be dealt with from the angle of peaceful coexistence, not only as a matter of political necessity but simply from economic necessity. 50. It is in the interest of all countries, and in the interest of the economy of the whole world, to abolish discrimination in international trade and the other artificial barriers which date from the time of the cold war. It is not only in the interest of the economically under-developed countries but also in the vital interest of all nations and of world economy to make a persistent effort to close the steadily widening gap between the advanced peoples and those whose economic development has been retarded. The accelerated development of those countries, which have been retarded through no fault of their own, is an integral part of one of the fundamental historical processes of our age: namely, the elimination of the last traces of colonialism and of all other forms of oppression of peoples. 51. The United Nations is called upon to play an important part in the work of international economic co-operation; the task devolves primarily upon the regional economic commissions, to which we attribute particular importance. At the international level, however, it should be our aim to establish a forum where it would be possible to discuss the key problems of the world economy and to create a permanent organic framework for international trade. Together we should seek out methods which would make it possible to develop economies by a continual increase in the volume of world trade. 52. By basing the development of future International economic co-operation on the principles of peaceful coexistence, equality and mutual interest, we shall transform it into one of the most effective instruments for the stabilization of peace and one of the most powerful factors in progress. 53. The United Nations should be guided by these principles in all fields of its activity. Unfortunately, this is not yet the case. There are still many obstacles in the way, especially at the political level. 54. Once more, during this session, we are working without the participation of the People's Republic of China. Although it is only some of us who are responsible for this situation, the entire Organization will suffer the consequences. 55. That, unfortunately, is not an isolated case. At this very session, a session which we should have liked to be able to remember, as our President so aptly said, as the "session of peace", a proposal has been made concerning the so-called question of Tibet. That proposal is devoid of any legal basis, it is unjust and can only prove detrimental to the cause of relaxation of international tension. 56. These things are all the more regrettable in that, generally speaking, the improved atmosphere has already been given practical expression in renewed efforts by the United Nations and many of its organs. For instance, we see with satisfaction that amongst the specialized agencies there is more rapid and more effective exchange of experience and that more work is being done in the various social, cultural and technical fields. The regional economic commissions have been strengthened and we welcome the establishment and the first steps of the Economic Commission for Africa. We have also recently observed more harmonious and more effective co-operation in the Economic and Social Council. The United Nations could become a leading architect in the construction of a system of peaceful and lasting coexistence. That, moreover, is the very essence of the Charter and its reason for existence. 57. I now come to the most Important question on the agenda of this session: that of general and complete disarmament. Progress towards disarmament, and certainly the role the United Nations will be able to play in solving this fundamental international problem, will depend largely on the manner in which the General Assembly deals with the question. 58. It is the first time that the disarmament problem has been placed before the United Nations in such bold terms, and the very boldness of the Soviet proposal [A/4218] is, at the present stage in the development of the international situation, its greatest advantage. 59. General and complete disarmament has always been the ultimate goal of all sincere, effective and constructive efforts in that field. For many years, the debates have dealt with partial solutions, owing to the serious difficulties which hampered all attempts at more complete disarmament. It is in this direction, and I think rightly so, that the constructive efforts of many countries and various shades of opinion have been tending. It was also in this direction that the research and proposal submitted by Poland in 1957, and amended in the autumn of 1958, tended. But today, the proposal concerning complete disarmament is in the forefront and that is the problem which we should take up first. 60. First and foremost, it should be understood that, in these new circumstances, the time has come for the disarmament problem to be considered from the point of view of peaceful coexistence in the broadest sense of the term; what might quite recently have appeared to be unattainable then becomes feasible. Basically, there is no other solution but to tackle the problem afresh and boldly. 61. If we admit that war would be a catastrophe of such proportions that it would be folly for anyone to engage in it, the idea of military superiority loses its whole point and the arms race becomes equally senseless. The question arises: how much longer, and for what reason, will this senseless armaments race continue? How much longer, and for what reason, shall we have to bear the burden of the exorbitant expenditure and the sacrifices which it involves? In the last resort, there are only two possible solutions: either the weapons manufactured at such great expense are consigned to the scrap-heap or, as the result of an incident or by some accident, the launching ramps will be put into operation and the greatest piece of folly in history will become an accomplished fact. 62. What, then, are we waiting for? There are some who advise us to wait for a radical improvement in the international situation, the advent of an era of mutual confidence. But how can it be attained if the intensive armaments race continues? 63. In our opinion, the surest way to bring about an improvement in the situation and to create an atmosphere of mutual confidence is in fact to make a start towards complete and universal disarmament. Obviously it will take some years to work out and carry through such a disarmament plan. It is with this in mind that we must now do everything in our power to prevent any deterioration of the present situation. That is why we hope that the negotiations on the permanent cessation of nuclear tests will be successful. 64. We must also take steps to ensure that we are not confronted with "faits accomplis" in the armaments field. This applies first and foremost to central Europe, the key area in so far as the easing of international tension is concerned. In any case, the manufacture there of nuclear weapons and rockets must be prevented, as must the equipment of armies which do not as yet possess them with such weapons. This would certainly make future disarmament efforts easier. 65. The proposal matte here by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union has a number of important practical advantages. For example, the interminable discussions on the balance of the military forces of the two groups would become pointless, since with general and complete disarmament the problem would no longer exist. With the prospect of complete and universal disarmament, the establishment and extension of the control system becomes much simpler. 66. The welcome and support which the Soviet proposal has already received in the two weeks since its presentation show how far it goes towards meeting the present needs and the peoples’ aspirations. In the view of the Polish Government, the Soviet proposal is realistic, it takes into account the possibilities and the essential needs of the present international situation and it responds to the vital interests of our people. We think that it should be thoroughly discussed by the General Assembly. 67. While speaking about current political questions, I cannot ignore the German question, for it is of crucial importance for the maintenance of peace and security. 68. There are two views, two different policies on the German question. The first, represented by the ruling circles in the Federal Republic of Germany, consists in denying the facts, in denying the existence of two German States. It is a policy of remilitarization and nuclear armaments. It is a policy of territorial claims against other States. It is a policy of rejecting every realistic attempt to make a start towards the restoration of normal conditions and the gradual solution of the German question. It is a policy of aggravating the German situation in the hope of being able subsequently, from a position of strength, to settle it in its own way. It is a policy which aims at acquiring such a position in the Western Alliance as to enable the ruling circles in Western Germany to involve the other members in the execution of their own plans and the accomplishment of their own aims. Such a policy is dangerous not only for those against whom it is at present directed but also for all Germany’s neighbours, for Europe as a whole and for peace in general. 69. There is another approach, another policy for the solution of the German problem. This policy takes realities into account. For some years now, there have been two German States. The only way in which the German question can be finally settled is through the gradual restoration of normal relations between the two States and through their co-operation. It is only in an atmosphere of reduced tension in Europe, of progress towards disarmament and of peaceful coexistence that such a course can be successfully pursued. That is the direction followed by the German Democratic Republic. 70. Poland is in complete agreement with this approach to the solution of the German question, which, in its view, constitutes the only sound method, the only policy which is realistic and in conformity with the interests of the German people and of European security. That is why, in its own interest and in the general interest, Poland attaches such importance to the conclusion of the peace treaty with Germany. We also think that a satisfactory solution must.be found for the position of West Berlin. 71. One of the lessons that Poland has learnt from its own unhappy experience is that German-Polish relations must ultimately be based on respect for the principles of peace, security and good neighbourliness. The German Democratic Republic, with which we are associated by close ties of friendship and co-operation both on this question and on broader issues, has from the first day of its establishment drawn the same conclusions from its own past experience. 72. We well know that in West Germany there are many people and some circles and politicians who are anxious to see good relations established with Poland and we appreciate that fact. Up till now, however, their attitude has not affected the policy of the Government of the German Federal Republic. Despite the Polish Government’s positive approach, there is no evidence whatsoever that the Government of West Germany wants to improve its relations with Poland. There has recently been talk of alleged conciliatory gestures towards Poland but in point of fact the real policy behind them amounted to nothing more than ridiculous attempts to weaken the ties between Poland and its friends. There again, as in other fields, the policy of the cold war will have to give way gradually, admittedly not without resistance but, in my opinion, inevitably. Time is working against those who are clinging obstinately to that kind of policy and in favour of nations which want to live in peace and friendship. 73. Poland is pursuing an active and constructive policy of peaceful coexistence and international cooperation. This policy is consistent with our past experience, the vital interests of our people and our position as a socialist State. 74. Our internal policy is based on the premise that the international situation will develop peacefully. We are drawing up plans for the development of our country for many years ahead. The reforms which we intend to carry out are attuned to the pace of economic development and the social conscience of the citizens of our country, in the hope that we shall be able to pursue this course free from the threat of war. We hope that all the efforts we have expended since our liberation and in recent years may yield results, if possible rapid results, so that the needs and aspirations of our people may be progressively satisfied. Our close ties with the other socialist countries, based on our common principles, make it possible for us to carry out our plans, to fulfil our historic duties and to safeguard the security and territorial integrity of our country. They enable us to do our utmost to work effectively for the relaxation of international tension and peaceful coexistence. 75. While we are constantly strengthening these ties, we are developing broad international relations. We are on friendly terms with many Asian and African countries. Our relations with the great majority of the western countries, with the Scandinavian, Western European and North American countries are steadily improving. We are strengthening and establishing relations with some of the Latin American countries. We welcome their efforts to develop their economies and we see in them the prospect of increased trade between us. We feel, too, .that opportunities for closer cultural contacts have existed for a considerable time. On the whole, there has been a considerable increase in economic, scientific and cultural exchanges and in the number of visitors in both directions. We are increasing our co-operation with international organizations in the fields of culture, economy, social affairs, communications and technology. We are taking an active part in the political, economic and social work of the United Nations. We are devoting particular attention to the disarmament problem in the Disarmament Commission and in the ten-nation Disarmament Committee. We shall maintain, and as far as possible increase, our activities within the United Nations. 76. We firmly believe that Poland's efforts on behalf of peaceful coexistence between nations will be effective, for in making such efforts we are not alone. We know that the United Nations will fully satisfy the peaceful aspirations of all peoples.