40. MThis fourteenth session of the General Assembly opened under particularly happy auspices. The responsible heads of the two great Powers which today constitute the pivot around which the international situation revolves, have met a few days ago in the United States. This meeting will be repeated next spring in Moscow.
41. The aim of these personal contacts between President Eisenhower and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, Mr. Khrushchev, is to end the cold war and to win a more stable, less menaced peace, a peace that will be just and equitable for all. In the shadow of such a peace the peoples of the earth will be able, by their labours and according to their will, to build up their future and that of their children. This is a great undertaking, on a scale commensurable with that of the danger of an atomic war.
42. The problems ahead are vast, complex and thorny. In certain cases, they are poised in fragile, yet vital, equilibrium. However, we believe that there are no irreducible factors dividing the two worlds so long as existing differences are approached in a spirit of mutual respect and with the intention of either party not to seek advantages at the expense of the other. At the end of the match there should be but one winner: peace.
43. The present stage is mainly devoted to the improvement of the psychological climate and to soundings destined to define mutual positions and to evaluate possibilities of agreement. These preparatory efforts concern the particular and collective interests of both the Western and the Soviet World. However, it is of equal interest to the international community as a whole, for peace is a benefaction common to all. It is no longer possible to draw a line between the happiness of some and the misfortune of others.
44. We fervently pray that this exploration may lead to positive results. It must be a promise of concrete and practical realizations, for we are all aware that the continuance of the international crisis which holds the world in its grip is not due solely to psychological considerations. It is due to the lack of confidence caused by concrete disputes and by antagonisms reflected in day to day realities. It is, indeed, indispensable to ameliorate the psychological climate; but above all, it is necessary to see whether a way can be opened towards negotiation and agreement on precise and determinate points.
45. There is no doubt that we are faced with an extremely delicate operation centring upon sensitive and painful points, and liable to have far-reaching consequences in time and space. But the world has at its disposal all the wisdom necessary in order to undertake this task with good chances of success.
46. I now turn to the question of disarmament. It is indeed in this hope that we envisage the progress of negotiations concerning disarmament. All of us, without exception, are vitally interested in facing this great problem and in resolutely entering upon the path of the immediate and practical measures necessary to its solution. I shall avoid insisting on that, which everyone well knows; I refer to the potential for destruction of modern weapons of war. I only wish to point out that the limitation of armaments is linked to the notion of security itself and that security depends upon the maintenance of the existing balance of power in the world.
47. It must be admitted that, despite all efforts made to date, despite attempts to build the international community on foundations of justice and law, relations between nations are still governed by the outmoded, but still working, rules of the balance of power. It is true that today this notion of balance has been considerably broadened. But whether one speaks of the balance between the two super-Powers alone, or between the two groups of Powers, one is forced to recognize that it is under the blanket of this balance that the peaceful existence of the world presently evolves. It is by virtue of this balance that some hold their place in existing political formations and others can remain uncommitted. It is true that there is a much better alternative to the rule of the balance of power. This is world peace and order maintained and secured by the United Nations, having at its disposal an effective international military force. But for the time being such an alternative is possible only in theory.
48. The effort to maintain the military equilibrium stimulates the arms race, since each nation, and especially the great Powers, press on with their armaments programmes for fear of seeing the balance disrupted at their expense. However, if, in order to maintain the forces necessary to a certain degree of security, the nations continue to arm, it is logically possible to maintain this same balance by a common agreement either to avoid increasing the potential of the respective war arsenals, or even to lower the existing level of armaments. This means balanced disarmament.
49. It is quite evident that the balance of military power is a technical question. But it goes without saying that any agreement providing for a limitation of armaments, and any undertaking concerning disarmament, must necessarily depend upon efficient international control. The limitation of armaments is a feasible operation; but only to the extent to which the interested parties are sincere in their intention of freezing or of proportionally reducing the level of armaments and to which they are ready to furnish proofs of their sincerity of accepting guarantees satisfactory to all.
50. Another point of capital importance is the collective character of security. This character cannot- be changed for it is inherent in the very nature of collective defence. Within the framework of this defence each nation is called upon to play the part which falls to it, by reason of the common interest. Even those peoples who find themselves outside of existing political groups cannot consider their security and the means of defence at their disposal otherwise than in relation to the more general factors which determine the security of the international community of which they are an integral part. Does not the Charter, in fact constitute the essential expression of the collective character of international security?
51. From this it results that partial measures affecting the common security cannot be considered separately. Such measures are always possible, but they must be examined in the light of the interests as much of the collective body as of each individual member. It is not possible to cut up into sections the unity of collective defence where it exists. And it does exist not only in the defensive alliances with which we are familiar, but also within the larger framework of the United Nations.
52. Thus, regional arrangements on matters of security depend on broader agreements on disarmament among the Powers mainly concerned. This is even more so as the range of modern weapons, and in particular that of ballistic missiles, actually covers all the surface of our planet. This means that regional security cannot be valued and dealt with but in terms of total security. A ballistic missile launched from hundreds of miles away is not more welcome than one launched from a shorter distance. The existence of such weapons, by suppressing the distances, practically minimizes the geographical individuality of the regions, in terms of security,
53. If based on solidly realistic foundations — and only then — a common effort for disarmament has a good chance of yielding results. I should say, in all modesty, that Greece, faithful to its peaceful traditions, will not fail to contribute to this great objective in the measure of its possibilities and its competence.
54. There can be no doubt that disarmament constitutes an urgent duly and a cardinal responsibility of the United Nations. And I am impelled to say that any tendency to dissociate the Organization from developments concerning this problem would be particularly regrettable and dangerous. Nevertheless, let us hasten to recognize that, up to the present, the authority of the United Nations in this domain has never been seriously contested. The ten-Power disarmament committee, the creation of which was communicated to the United Nations Disarmament Commission, is an organ which does not engage the responsibility of the United Nations. I must add that the cause of disarmament is so vital that no one could raise objections to the great Powers choosing the procedure that seems good to them in order to bring do fruition the negotiations which they have in view. The merits of their choice will be judged by the results. We all pray that these results may be satisfactory.
55. We do not believe, however, that what may go on outside these halls exempts the. General Assembly from its role and responsibilities as regards disarmament. The Assembly must have its own organs not only in order to be in a position to follow what is going on beyond its limits, but also in order to be able, at the opportune moment, to declare its point of view and to establish its permanent interest in the progress of the cause of disarmament.
56. The Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, Mr. Khrushchev, has from this platform made proposals for total disarmament [799th meeting] which cannot but arouse the liveliest interest.
57. The Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Herter [797th meeting], and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom, Mr. Selwyn Lloyd [798th meeting], have also set forth action programmes for the limitation of armaments which cannot but retain our undivided attention.
58. Other interesting suggestions concerning disarmament have been presented by other representatives.
59, We believe, that the work of co-ordinating and examining all these plans and possibilities in common should begin as soon as possible at the United Rations. In our opinion, the Disarmament Commission, which is the most qualified body to deal with all aspects of disarmament, should be asked to share in the relative, responsibilities and work of the United Nations.
60. The fact that recent negotiations on the limitation of armaments, as well as certain great international problems which at present preoccupy the world, appear to be evolving outside the United Nations, has created the impression that the world Organization is being excluded from these developments. Apprehensions on this subject have been voiced, of which the echo may be found; even in the introduction to the Secretary-General's report [A/4132/Add,1]. It is true that he does not seem to find them justified and his personal opinion on this score is reassuring.
61. However, while we share the Secretary-General's solidly established opinion, we think that we are all in duty bound to pay special attention to a matter which so closely affects the future of our Organization. For what is not happening today might happen tomorrow. And it would be a great misfortune if ever international relations were to be removed from the field of the United Nations and to return to the paths of the past. We hear it said sometimes that the ways and methods of the old diplomacy present considerable advantages as compared with those of the United Nations. To debate delicate political affairs — we are told — in an open forum is an error which goes contrary to mutual interests and to friendly relations between nations.
62. I have no intention of making a case against traditional diplomacy by recalling the liabilities registered against it by history's balance of accounts. Moreover, nothing prevents us from haying recourse to its services whenever this appears to be desirable or useful. However, we must remember that the United Nations is not just another diplomatic means for the peaceful settlement of international disputes; it represents an attempt to organize, to establish, international society on a basis of law. The Charter is a first expression — elementary and incomplete, to be sure, but nonetheless a genuine expression — of international legality.
63. The aim of the United Nations is not solely to solve conflicts, but to solve them in accordance with the Charter, That means to solve them according to. a notion of legality and justice independently of the respective power of the parties in litigation. This notion of legality and justice, although not always put into practice — and when it has been so put, the results have in many cases proved disappointing. We nonetheless always present at the United Nations. It instils itself into our consciences and may tend to become a dynamic idea capable of one day producing the structure of an international organization founded on legality and justice.
64. To save the peace is obviously the goal which we. all strive for. But we must save the peace without sacrificing freedom, without betraying the right, and without defying justice. It is true that, in order to attain this goal, the Charter does not refer the litigants to a court of justice but counsels negotiation. However, negotiation according to the letter and the spirit of the Charter must necessarily be inspired by these principles. Even if we admit that the guarantees offered by the United Nations are not sufficient, in any case they represent a certain, progress over former methods and justify our hopes and our perseverance in following the new road. The evolution cannot but be slow and gradual. That is why, instead of despairing, we must all resist the temptation to avoid the path of the United Nations, a path which constantly reminds us of the Charter and sets us at the listening post of the universal conscience as expressed by this great and noble Assembly.
65. The negotiations which resulted in the solution of the Cyprus question were indeed inspired by these principles. They were put into motion following a resolution unanimously adopted by the General resolution recommended that a peaceful, democratic and just solution, in accordance with the Charter, be sought. The solution was reached in conformity with this recommendation and is based on the recognition of the status of independence for the island of Cyprus and on the principle of co-operation among all Cypriots.
66. The Cyprus question was a United Nations question "par excellence". Since 1954, it was the object of the constant interest and deliberations of the General Assembly. Greece, within these halls, assumed the role of spokesman on behalf of the legitimate aspirations to freedom of the people of Cyprus and of their heroic struggle to attain it. She demanded self-determination for the Cypriots. Ab is well known, self-determination as a principle, as a right, is not an end in itself. It is not a solution. It represents the road to a solution. In this respect, the move generated within the General Assembly, during its successive sessions, in favour of an independent Cyprus, helped the Cypriots in their quest for freedom, to exercise their choice in a practicable way. It also helped all the parties concerned to discern a possibility for agreement. Such a line was in conformity with the relative provisions of the Charter and concurred with the way followed by almost all other dependent territories liberated from colonial rule by accession to independence.
67. There are some who wonder whether Archbishop Makarios, the political and religious leader of the Greek Cypriots, may not have acted thus in view of the international difficulties then prevailing and the grave dangers which other solutions entailed. The fact is that Archbishop Makarios acted in full freedom of conscience and decision, but it is evident that he acted as a responsible political leader, aware of realities and of the possibilities defined by existing international contingencies. He chose independence as the political status of the island, freedom for all Cypriots, close co-operation between the Greek and Turkish communities on the island, and permanent friendship of the new State of Cyprus with both Greece and Turkey. He himself, in his great wisdom declared: "In addition to our duty to fashion our future, we have an important role to fulfil, that of a link uniting Greece and Turkey." On these foundations the Zurich and London agreements were negotiated and concluded.
68. Various committees have been established in London and in Nicosia working hard for the implementation of these agreements. The creation of a new State in a rather short period of time is a challenging enterprise. We rest assured, however, that its outcome will be successful as all participants to these working bodies display a spirit of loyalty and dedication to the basic agreements of Zurich and London. The burden of these efforts rests mainly on the Cypriots of both communities facing the responsibility of building up their own future, as free men, in conditions of human dignity and prosperity. Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom assumed the responsibility of assisting the new State of Cyprus in establishing its independence.
69. I feel sure that the General Assembly will be unanimous in registering with satisfaction the creation, in accordance with the spirit of its resolution and wishes, of the new State of Cyprus, and that it will be ready to welcome it in these halls as a member of the great family of nations on the day when the new republic, duly proclaimed, will present its request for admission.
70. On this occasion, I wish to express our heartfelt thanks and gratitude to all the delegations which showed interest in the promotion of the Cyprus issue tows x .is a right and peaceful solution.
71. A happy consequence of the solution of the Cyprus question was the liquidation of the conflict which, for a certain time, brought Greece into opposition with Turkey and the United Kingdom. The bonds of friendship which have existed between Greece and the United Kingdom are being restored.
72. Relations between Greece and Turkey are steadily improving. The policy of close co-operation and friendship established by Venizelos and Ataturk, those great pioneers, has been revived. The visit of Premier Karamanlis to Ankara a few months ago and the coming visit to Athens of Premier Menderes will contribute to strengthen the ties between the two neighbouring countries.
73. May I be permitted to say that, as it has already been pointed out from this rostrum by the distinguished Foreign Minister of Turkey [8G9thmeeting], this development is not profitable only to Greece and Turkey. It constitutes a factor of stability and peace in the Eastern Mediterranean area as well as in that of the Balkans. A centre of anxiety and a situation pregnant with potential dangers had been replaced by a climate of co-operation and understanding. This is an instance of an important contribution toward the improvement of the international situation and one which we are sure will be appreciated by those who are sincerely interested in the maintenance and consolidation of peace.
74. The Hellenic Government rejoices in the very close bonds which unite Greece and Yugoslavia. Relations between these two neighbouring countries, which were always excellent, become even more so as the years go by. This proves — and we shall never weary of repeating it — that differing Social systems are no obstacle to the establishment of relations of co-operation and understanding, so long as these relations are based on respective independence and reciprocal respect.
75. Greece maintains good relations with many other socialist countries. We are glad to see the progress of our commercial exchanges and of our relations with Romania. Peace and good neighbourly relations are not a matter, of words but of deeds and facts. The favourable factual situation created in the field of the relations between the two countries led to the aforementioned improvements. Greece steadfastly pursues a policy of peace towards all.
76. Other problems await solution. In the Middle East, the problem of the Palestine refugees remains in suspense and provokes justified apprehension and rancour in all the Arab countries. As long as this question is left without a just solution, it will constitute a potential threat to peace and tranquillity in the Middle East. In the absence of such a solution, my delegation considers as an imperative necessity the continuation of the humanitarian work of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees.
77. We follow with active sympathy the advance of mandated and Non-Self-Governing Territories towards political emancipation and independence. The Greek delegation has constantly given its support to any action of the United Nations tending to assist colonial peoples in becoming masters of their own countries and of their destinies. In the course of the next year, several new African States, the Cameroons, Togoland, Nigeria and Somalia, and Cyprus, a Mediterranean State, will come to take their seats among us. This proves that the world is marching forward and that the family of nations is steadily acquiring the riches of equality and freedom.
78. The Algerian question, included in the agenda of the present session, will be the object of our deliberations and our efforts to contribute to a solution thereof in conformity with the principles of the Charter, principles for which Greece has always stood. We have no doubt that the General Assembly will register gratification at the recognition by the President of the French Republic, General de Gaulle, of the right of the Algerian people to determine freely their own future, as well as the efforts made by our Arab friends to approach this new hopeful development in a constructive way.
79. One question of paramount importance confronting the world today is that of economic development. It is, therefore, only natural that it constitutes one of the main preoccupations of our Organization. Greece has always supported, and will continue to offer its contribution to, any planning and action designed for the economic development of countries and territories, especially those which have not yet attained a more advanced stage in their economic development.
80. it is in this spirit that we wish, on this occasion, to reiterate the importance we attach to the good work already accomplished and to be accomplished in the future by the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and the Special Fund of the United Nations. With regard to the Special Fund, which has begun its activities under good auspices, we in Greece are pertain that it can and should play an important and ever Increasing part in the endeavours for economic planning and development and the subsequent raising of standards of living throughout the world. The fact that these activities are being directed by Mr. Paul Hoffman constitutes a guarantee for its success.
81. The scientific and technological progress of our times constitutes a unifying process in the field of human relations. Viewed from the moon, the oneness of our world will. be even more conspicuous. We are steadily progressing towards international, towards universal, integration. Our problem is not how to avoid such an evolution but how to remove the existing barriers, the remaining obstacles standing in its way, without a war. It is for the United Nations and for human reason to give a hopeful answer to such an agonizing question.