1. May I request Mr. Benhima, who is in the Chair, to convey to Mr. Belaúnde — who, I am told, is feeling unwell — my best wishes for his speedy recovery. I am happy to associate myself, on behalf of my delegation with previous speakers in expressing satisfaction at the unanimous election of Mr. Belaúnde to the high office of President of the fourteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly. His service and dedication to the Purposes and Principles of the Charter, as representative at San Francisco of one of the founding Members of the United Nations, and his contribution to the smooth and efficient working of many of its organs, have earned him the respect of all. We fervently pray that his noble wish that this Assembly should go down to history as the "Assembly of peace" will be fulfilled.
2. The general debate in the Assembly faithfully performed each year affords to Member States the opportunity to review, if not all, certainly the major events and happenings in the world. It is, I believe, a healthy practice, particularly for the smaller States, which stand to gain considerably by stable political, economic and social conditions in the world and, concomitantly, to lose much by an adverse situation in these matters. The privilege of debating is the reflection of our duties as Members of the United Nations, and I am happy to observe that Member States have discharged it — each according to its own conviction — in earnestness and sincerity. It is with a view to discharging this duty that I have taken the floor to express our policies, positions, and sentiments regarding some of the items on our agenda.
3. During the past year, as stated by most of the representatives who spoke before me from this rostrum, the world has, on the whole, witnessed a relaxation of tension, resulting from the settlement of the question of Cyprus; the fruitful exchange of visits among the great leaders of the world, progress in the field of the technical detection of nuclear and thermo- nuclear explosions; agreement regarding the establishment of a Ten-Power Disarmament Sub-Committee, and the Four-Power Foreign Ministers Conference held this year in Geneva. While direct contact among the Powers involved in these problems was primarily responsible for this relaxation of tension, there is no doubt that world public opinion and debate of some of the problems in many sessions of the General Assembly have played a very significant part. My delegation sincerely hopes that the General Assembly at its current session, will avail itself of this opportunity to exploit the present favourable conditions and will conduct its debates in such a constructive manner as to achieve direct or indirect solutions of certain important questions on its agenda.
4. The settlement by direct negotiation of the question of Cyprus, which was one of the most debated issues in the General Assembly, has given satisfaction to my Government, for it demonstrates amply that, given good will and faith in the fundamentals of the Charter, differences among States can be successfully removed. It is the hope of my delegation that the procedure of settlement of the question of Cyprus will serve as an example in the solution of other differences existing among States.
5. The exchange of visits among the leaders of the world is certainly an event which we welcome wholeheartedly. His Majesty Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, returning from an extended visit to many friendly countries, expressed to his people his deep conviction of the importance of such an exchange of visits in the following terms: "Formal diplomatic relations between nations are, in these times, being accepted as useful in maintaining normal and friendly contacts. But these by no means can replace personal contacts among responsible heads of State, for seeing things with one’s own eyes is superior to hearing even from the most reliable sources. We hope that this spirit will continue to prevail among leaders of the world. We are confident that the anticipated meeting of the heads of State of the two leading nations of the East and West will yield fruitful results for world peace." We believe direct contacts among leaders of the world, though they may fail to remove differences in ideologies, can surely create an atmosphere conducive to peaceful coexistence.
6. The daily quest of mankind for peace and stability is certainly the greatest challenge to the minds of the statesmen of our times. The ever-pressing problem in this regard is the question of disarmament. It is not necessary to review the history of disarmament in the period after the Second World War to state the satisfaction of my delegation that it has been possible to evolve a procedure by which the negotiation on disarmament could be resumed by the establishment of the Ten-Power Committee after almost two years of standstill. As the four-Power communique of 7 September 1959 [DC/144] and the resolution adopted by the Disarmament Commission [DC/146] on 10 September 1959 amply show, the final responsibility regarding the settlement of the disarmament question remains with the United Nations. This is in accordance with the Charter and with resolution 1252 (XIII) of the General Assembly. This is as it should be, for the search for peace is not limited to just a few States, but to all of them, particularly the middle-size and small States who are in dire need of durable peace in order to enable them to develop their resources and thereby achieve a higher standard of living.
7. It has been so often said here in the United Nations and outside, that the question of disarmament, particularly in nuclear weapons, is the concern of the great Powers who have the means, scientific knowledge and technical know-how to manufacture those weapons, and that the middle-size and small Powers have little or nothing to do about it.
8. But in the view of my delegation, this reasoning does not seem to be well-founded, because the middle-size and small Powers, although they have no right to say what the great Powers should or should not manufacture, what the great Powers should or should not do with their means, scientific knowledge and technical know-how, are, on the other hand, entitled to defend their right to existence. The great Powers, while having the right to spend their money in whatever way they like, can have neither legal nor moral right to deny the right of existence to the middle-size and small Powers which have nothing to do with the great Powers’ struggle for supremacy.
9. We are told by competent authorities that war in our time would know no distinction between belligerents and non-belligerents, between present and future generations, and that it would mean universal annihilation. It follows, therefore, that the question of disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, being a question of life and death for all peoples, great, middle-size and small, the whole world has a stake in it.
10. In our view, not only are the middle-size and small Powers entitled to defend their right to existence, but they would also be failing in their duty if they tried to hide behind the false argument that the question of disarmament is the sole responsibility of those who manufacture the deadly arms. We in Ethiopia, having had a tragic experience in the use of these scientific weapons of mass destruction in 1935-1936, although those weapons cannot in any way be compared with nuclear weapons, have an abiding and immediate interest in the solution of this problem. It is for these considerations that the Ethiopian delegation is firmly convinced that a solution to the problem of disarmament is the concern of all — great and small alike. We are happy to note that the four-Power communique of 7 September 1959 and the statements of delegations in the meeting of the Disarmament Commission fully confirm our position.
11. The progress achieved in the field of the technical detection of nuclear and thermo-nuclear explosions at the Geneva Conference is certainly not one which would call for jubilation, but certain it is that the measure of progress achieved could lead — in the light of the present relaxation of tension — to further concrete progress and agreement in this field. We acknowledge that progress in this particularly complicated field cannot be spectacular, but we believe it to be our duty to insist that the discussion continue untiringly until agreement is reached,
12. Having regard to these considerations and in a sincere desire to contribute to the efforts of the United Nations regarding the solution of disarmament, the Ethiopian delegation at the thirteenth session of the General Assembly, submitted to the First Committee [955th meeting] a statement of general principles regarding the prohibition of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons. The Ethiopian delegation is firmly convinced that the General Assembly can make a positive contribution by adopting a declaration of guiding principles regarding all implements of war, in particular nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons. The declaration would stand, in terms of rights and duties, just like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. It would contribute positively to the elimination of the cold war, and its effect on comprehensive disarmament agreement would be tremendous. Many delegations, both formally and informally, have shown interest in the suggestions of the Ethiopian delegation and should this interest be general at the current session, the Ethiopian delegation would be ready to present, with other delegations, at the appropriate time, a draft resolution containing the guiding principle that it submitted last year to the First Committee.
13. I come now to another question. The complete emancipation and political, economic and social advancement of the peoples of the continent of Africa is of special and direct interest to my country. During the last few years, we have witnessed a trend which has brought to the family of the United Nations many a distinguished African State. Very recently, the Republic of Guinea has joined this group and assumed its rightful place in the United Nations. Four others, Somaliland under Italian administration, the Cameroons and Togoland under French administration and Nigeria, will soon take their place in this Assembly. All of them have achieved this remarkable victory by their determination, tenacity, love of liberty and good fortune in having great political leaders. We derive immense pleasure in welcoming to this house an evergrowing family of African States.
14. Of particular interest to my country is the independence of Somalia, now under trusteeship administration, and its admission to the United Nations, because Ethiopia and the present Trust Territory of Somaliland have so much in common, including a common frontier. The question of the delimitation of the frontier between the two sister countries which has been unnecessarily delayed is now on the right track as the General Assembly has recommended [resolution 1345 (XIII)] its settlement by arbitration. We are confident that the judicial settlement of this question should satisfy both parties and that the two brotherly peoples would co-operate in all matters of common interest to them.
15. The African States themselves, determined to push the process of emancipation to its logical and happy conclusion, have during the past two years met first at Accra and recently in Monrovia. The Bandung Conference of 1955, which took place at a crucial moment in the emergence of Africa, proclaimed a number of fundamentals that gave momentum to the African movement for emancipation. The Conference of Accra, building on those fundamentals, adopted thirteen resolutions and a declaration, all intended to serve the special and particular requirements of Africa. They dealt with foreign policy, the future of non-independent territories in Africa, the question of Algeria, racialism, nuclear tests in the Sahara, and other matters of concern to the continent.
16. More recently, the nine independent States of Africa met in special conference to consider the war in Algeria but they were also prompted to adopt measures regarding nuclear tests in the Sahara, the Cameroons under French administration, Nyasaland, the question of South West Africa, non-independent territories and racial discrimination.
17. With regard to Algeria, the position of my country has been to support the legitimate aspiration of the Algerian people for independence, and that position remains unchanged. This is in keeping with our policy that Africa, the last stronghold of colonialism, must be freed from this evil and that Africans must regain their human dignity if lasting peace and genuine friendship among nations are to be achieved. It is our hope, therefore, that the principle of self-determination having now been accepted by France, and given good will and understanding between the parties directly concerned, a solution to this question will be attained.
18. Regarding nuclear and thermonuclear tests in the Sahara, our concern can hardly be over-emphasized. The first African Conference held at Accra, called first "upon the great Powers to discontinue the production of nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons and to suspend all such tests not only in the interest of world peace, but as a symbol of their avowed devotion to the rights of man"; secondly, viewed with grave alarm and strongly condemned "all atomic tests in any part of the world and in particular the intention to carry out such tests in the Sahara"; and, thirdly, appealed to the "great Powers to use atomic, nuclear and thermonuclear energy exclusively for peaceful purposes". The Conference of Monrovia, in its resolution II, adopted the following provisions regarding this particular question: "The Conference. “... "Considering the grave dangers these nuclear tests will hold for the people of Africa in general and in particular those living in the Sahara and the adjacent territories, “1. Denounces vigorously and with profound indignation the decision of any government to carry out nuclear tests in the Sahara or in any other part of Africa, and "2. Appeals to the conscience of the world to condemn this threat to the lives and security of the African people"; "...
19. The belief that we should call a halt to the spread of nuclear and thermo-nuclear tests has won the conviction of the world, so that three items [67,68,69] on the agenda of the fourteenth session deal specifically with this question. The concern, therefore, of the African States over the decision of the Government of France to hold such nuclear tests in the Sahara is real. Their fear can only be removed by the spirit of accommodation which should animate the disposition of France towards the peoples of Africa.
20. The intentions of all of these resolutions are exactly in the spirit of the Purposes and Principles of the Charter, so that they need not offend the susceptibility of any country. It is also to be noticed that at the commencement and conclusion of these Conferences the participants have made it abundantly clear in declarations and statements that their purposes were peaceful, that they had no intention to conspire against anyone but were simply bent on achieving what to us was most material, namely, the complete emancipation of the peoples of Africa from any kind of foreign domination.
21. As colonialism and all its evils are felt and detested everywhere, we feel certain that the world would prefer to witness a complete emancipation of the non-independent territories of Africa. The aspirations of the peoples of Africa are the same as those of all other peace-loving people: that is, to live under institutions of their own choice and making, is it not a very simple and most just aspiration? We believe it is. It is an aspiration for lasting peace and friendly cooperation instead of enmity and unnecessary bloodshed among peoples. In this connexion His Majesty the Emperor of Ethiopia said: "Those who lack the vision and foresight to realise that Africa is emerging into a new era, that Africans will no longer be denied the rights which are inalienably theirs, will not alter or reverse the course of history, but will only suffer the inevitable consequences of their refusal to accept reality."
22. It is distressing, however, that these just aspirations of the African peoples are achieved not always smoothly and by peaceful means but as a result of conflicts and bloodshed. The wholesale suppression of the aspirations of the African people in Central Africa this year is a case in point which was condemned by all African Governments and peoples. In this connexion His Majesty's message on Africa's Freedom Day of 15 April 1959 reads in part: "All leaders of Africa and their peoples have followed with great concern and sympathy the brave struggle sf the peoples of Central Africa to achieve those same goals and ideals which some of the African independent states have defended at such great sacrifices. It must be realised that the peoples and territories of Africa can no longer be regarded as preserves of colonial interests or the continued objects of imperialist designs. Unfortunately, that truth is apparently still to be learned by others. Until the entire continent becomes the home of the free and until every man and every people can, in peace, labour for the advancement and welfare of the family and homeland, the ideals and objectives which we have proclaimed to the world at Accra and Addis Ababa shall not have been attained."
23. We hope that those who have so far failed to change their thinking habits regarding colonialism; those who still believe colonialism to be a normal relationship between the strong and the weak; those who still believe that the strength, wealth and enlightenment of nations can be measured by the number and size of the colonies under their domination, will realize, before it is too late, that this way of thinking is of the past.
24. Before I pass to other subjects, I wish to bring two related matters which I believe require serious consideration to the attention of the General Assembly. An examination of the final stages of the emancipation of the Trust Territories shows that these have, on the whole, been characterized by a debate full of tension and controversy. This would seem to have been caused by the fact that the Administering Authorities request the termination of their obligation under the International Trusteeship System when there is an elected Government deemed responsible to the people. On the other hand, experience has shown that at that particular stage there is much political agitation, some of the population favouring existing governments, others preferring determination of their wish under an election supervised by the United Nations. The Assembly, caught between such demands, has, on occasions, suffered a great deal. To avoid this difficulty, we suggest that during the last four years of the Trusteeship period, the Assembly dispatch visiting missions every year so as to watch carefully over tendencies in the Territories. Under its direct control, once the wishes of the peoples of the Territories regarding the form of their governmental institutions are ascertained, the Assembly would be able to avoid unnecessary tensions and acrimony, and this would also enable the Assembly to release promptly the Administering Authorities from their obligations under the Trusteeship System. Admittedly, the cost of the operation might be considered heavy, but, having regard to the obligation of the United Nations towards the peoples of the Territories and having regard to its effect upon the smooth working of the International Trusteeship System, the figure most certainly be worth paying. It is the hope of my delegation that our suggestion will be received favourably by all and will be put into practice.
25. Secondly, since 1950-1951 many an erstwhile dependent State has become a Member of the United Nations. The number has so steadily increased that it would not be surprising if in a few years the Assembly should outgrow its present conference hall. The point I wish to make is that, as the distribution of posts in the various organs of the United Nations was effected at a time when Member States were few, the ingenuity the Assembly is now called upon to effect a more equitable geographical distribution of all the posts available so that, each State and region would have a. chance to participate closely in the work of the United Nations. We believe that it is such a balanced and equitable distribution of the posts available that will help the United Nations achieve its Purposes and Principles. We also believe that its universality will be more readily felt among the peoples of the world, for it is through such participation that identity of outlook is propagated and the rule of law more readily developed. Because of these considerations we welcome a thorough discussion of items 19, 20, 21 and 62 on the agenda of the fourteenth session of the General Assembly.
26. In the, field of the economic advancement of Africa, our requirements, both in terms of capital resources and technical know-how, are enormous. The United Nations is certainly doing useful work in the area through the Expanded Technical Assistance Programme, and more recently by the establishment of the Special Fund and the Economic Commission for Africa. The task of the Commission is enormous, and its success depends to a large measure not only upon the co-operation of the Africans themselves, which would not be lacking, but also upon the extent of the encouragement and assistance given it by the General Assembly.
27. As is known, the activities of the Commission are not limited to purely abstract economic considerations but to concrete economic and social problems facing the peoples of Africa, such as the collection and analysis of economic and social data, the training of Africans, the study and proposal of plans for economic and social development, and a host of others. The Commission has already held one seminar on community development and is holding a conference of African statisticians at present. These are only a start, but they are a good start. Having regard, therefore, to the scope of the Commission's activities in regard to the peoples of Africa, as determined by resolution 671 A (XXV) of the Economic and Social Council, we are confident that this Assembly will adopt the Secretary- General's modest budget estimate for 1960, because if the Commission does not have the necessary funds, it would be compelled to cut its essential programmes. I feel certain that the Assembly would not desire to see the essential programmes of the Commission handicapped.
28. The importance of all these economic activities and co-ordination cannot be minimized. If the independence of Africa and other States is to be a reality and an achievement in fact and not in words, economic freedom must, at the same time, be ensured to them. There must be no vestige of interested or egotistic controls. My delegation sees no justification for the conclusion, by administering Powers, of agreements with Trust Territories ensuring in advance to such Powers privileged positions upon termination of Trusteeship. Nor do we believe that justification exists for so directing or operating economic arrangements between countries of one region as to conserve or extend economic controls over peoples struggling towards economic as well as political independence.
29. The social life of the peoples of Africa, apart from such daily human anxieties as afflict the world at large, is dominated by one consideration: the eradication of the evil of racial discrimination. Unfortunately, during the past year we have not seen any improvement in this matter; on the contrary there has taken place an intensification of the policy of racial discrimination. My Government are deeply concerned over the policy of racial discrimination prevailing in the Union of South Africa, South West Africa, Kenya and in other parts of Africa. Much has been said about the disregard and defiling of the sacred work of God. I need not deal at length with this matter, but will simply point out that our position in this matter is recorded by the resolutions we have adopted at the Accra and Monrovia Conferences. These resolutions have the same intent and purposes as those adopted by the General Assembly from year to year.
30. To sum up, the year 1959 has seen the solution of one important question, namely, the question of Cyprus. It has also seen a trend in international life which if properly cultivated and encouraged, could, lead to the solution of the differences endangering international peace and security and thereby activate a desire to live under the rule of law. Sustained effort to solve differences dividing the world could also contribute to what must ultimately be the purpose of this Organization, namely security under the law.
31. To realize this lofty purpose, there is much to be done. There is the problem of disarmament which awaits solution, there is the task of helping millions of Africans to emancipate themselves from the clutches of colonialism, there is also the immense task of improving the economic and social standard of many countries of the world. However staggering these tasks may be, it is rewarding to be assembled under the roof of one Organization and to dedicate ourselves to their solution so that we and succeeding generations will be able to live in friendship and understanding, for those are the foundations of permanent peace.