32. May I request Mr. Benhima, who is in the Chair, to communicate to Mr. Belaúnde my hearty congratulations on his election to the high office of President. His brilliant career, his high academic achievements, his devoted association with the international Organization from the early days of the League of Nations, are but some of his great qualities that fit him ideally for this high office. His unanimous election to the Presidency of this fourteenth session of the General Assembly is a reflection of the esteem in which he and his great country are internationally held. We are confident that under his wise guidance this session of the Assembly will go into history as the "Assembly of peace". I pray to God for his speedy recovery.
33. To the Secretary-General and to his collaborators in the Secretariat and the specialized agencies goes our profound appreciation for doing so well a job that is so well worth while doing.
34. I am addressing the Assembly today from this rostrum to reaffirm the dedication of the Government of the Republic of the Sudan to the ideals of this Organization; "to save, succeeding generations from the scourge of war", "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and Worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations, large and small", and to promote justice, respect for law, social progress, self-determination of peoples, security, and the capacity of men to "live together in peace with one another as good neighbors". It is our dedication to this Organization as a temple of faith, and a symbol of man's best organized hope to substitute the conference table for the battlefield that inspired the formulation of our foreign policy on 17 November 1968. The first substantive paragraphs of that basic statement of Foreign Policy appear under the heading of "Our Foreign Policy in the International Community". May I be allowed the liberty of quoting a few sentences from that document: "In the sphere of the United Nations we will act, guided by the United Nations Charter, applied objectively and impartially, sparing no effort to uphold the cause of right and justice. We will stand by the nations struggling for their liberty and independence in accordance with the principles of the United Nations and the rights of man." "We are fully aware of the fact that we are still a growing nation, but we feel our obligations towards the international family, and we will do our best to play our humble part in furthering the cause of justice and the principles of liberty and peace," This, in a nutshell, is our firm and considered attitude towards the United Nations. It is an attitude based on our conviction that we are participants in the life of the world.
35. The Members of the United Nations and their representatives meet in these regular sessions to renew a pledge and thereby to perpetuate a dearly cherished hope of peace through right and justice. It is this common craving for peace, it is the international pursuit of happiness and the necessity of co-operation amongst ourselves to achieve the noble ends consecrated in the Charter of the United Nations, that bring them together every year in this international forum. They meet here annually to discuss certain questions anent the world situation, the satisfactory settlement of which we believe to be conducive to promoting the purposes for which this Organization has been created.
36. In looking at the agenda before us, may I be allowed to submit brief comments on those items, about which the views of the Government and the feelings of the people in the Sudan are relatively more vocal? I am anxious to assure you that in contributing these comments here, or in adopting certain stands during our discussions in the Committees, the members of the delegation of the Republic of the Sudan are animated by a keen desire to promote peace and international cooperation. Our reactions and our positions derive solely from loyalty to convictions and philosophies honestly adhered to by the Government and people of the Sudan.
37. The first question is that of Palestine. For eleven years now the tragedy of the Palestine Arab refugees has been painfully tearing through the inner fibres of the human Conscience. Throughout these agonizing years, scores of thousands of those innocent victims of aggression and treachery have been living under conditions of immeasurable misery and injustice. The plight of the Palestine Arab refugees is an extreme example of a phenomenon that has, deplorably, become symptomatic of our present day life: on the one hand there is the conflict between the rule of law and the principles of justice and, on the other, there are the dictates of power politics. It will be a sad day for this world, before it becomes a seal to the doom of this beloved Organization, when the powers of the latter are permitted to prevail over the innate virtues of the former.
38. The facts that gave birth to the tragedy of the Palestine Arab refugees are only too obvious to all the Members of this Organization. But by way of a respectful reminder, I feel it will refresh the representatives’ memories to refer to a few decisions of this Assembly. As long ago as 14 May 1948, the United Nations appointed a Mediator who, in discharge of the trust of the United Nations, stressed the right of the Palestinians to return to their homes. Consequent upon this, the Assembly passed resolution 194 at its third session which states in paragraph 11: "... the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property..." Subsequent resolutions have almost annually reaffirmed this position.
39. Now the question is: why is the United Nations showing signs of apathy in ensuring compliance with its resolutions? We hate to yield to the tempting answer that the intransigence of one Member State has weighed against a cause which the United Nations itself has consistently declared as paramount and invincible. We also regret to see that the world, if it is really symbolized by this Organization, is bowing to any pressure whatsoever.
40. We submit and insist on the enforcement of General Assembly resolution 194 (II) which offers the choice of return or resettlement and compensation.
41. The United Nations assistance so kindly extended to the refugees is acknowledged as an act of human solidarity, as is no less the Secretary-General's strong and unreserved recommendation in his recent proposals for the continuation of United Nations Assistance to Palestine Refugees [A/4121].
42. Speaking, however, of assistance to the refugees and of gratitude for such assistance should not blind us to questions of essence. How long will this assistance endure? And for how long will it be endured? Living indefinitely on charity, however ungrudgingly given, is most repugnant to human pride and dignity. Human dignity can only ebb to a certain abyss but not beyond. What then if such an abyss has already been reached?
43. The answer, in the view of the delegation of the Sudan, is clear and has been clearly endorsed by the Secretary-General in his document, when he says, and I hope I am correct, that a final solution to the problem of the refugees as such cannot be divorced from a solution to the political and psychological problem of Palestine in its entirety.
44. The second question is that of Suez. The delegation of the Republic of the. Sudan notes that several of the representatives who spoke before have emphasized the necessity and propriety of freedom of navigation on international waterways. In this context some of these speakers deliberately; we think, alluded to the Suez Canal as one of those international waterways where freedom of navigation should not be hedged by any conditions or considerations. With this latter point of view, the delegation of the Sudan finds it difficult to agree.
45. It is unquestionable that the Suez Canal constitutes an integral part of the national territory of the United Arab Republic and as such it is subject to the sovereign control of that State. The corollary is that a territorial sovereign is rightfully entitled to restrict that freedom of navigation in favour of its national security. Considerations of national security may amount, and in this case do amount, to the right of denying that freedom to shipping beneficial or related to entities which are in a state of war with that territorial sovereign. In our view, this is compatible with the principles of the 1888 Constantinople, Convention.
46. The contention of the Israel representative 1806th meeting] that Israel is a small nation, that it wants to live in peace and that it is now subjected unjustifiably to aggression and economic sanctions has been adequately dealt with an explained away by my friend, the representative of Saudi Arabia [808th meeting]. The crux of the question, however, to put it very mildly, is not what Israel is but, first, how it came to be; and, secondly, should the refugees be liquidated together with the innumerable resolutions of this Organization? The United Nations will not, in my humble submission, agree, nor will the Arab States and peoples, nor still the, refugees who have the stronger voice. The reference by the representative of Israel to the Sudan's complaint is, to say the least, uncalled for and irrelevant.i
47. The third point is the atomic tests in the Sahara., In its first statement of foreign policy the Government of the Republic of the Sudan declared the following: “In so far as atomic energy is concerned, peace means the utilization of that energy for the benefit of mankind, and not for the destruction of its legacies and civilizations. For this reason we appeal that atomic energy should be utilized for peaceful purposes and for the building of a new world, not for its destruction. We do not approve of the. present arms race nor the continuation of nuclear tests for war purposes. Small States like our country will be the first to be wiped out, for the obvious reason that they do not have the means to protect themselves in the face of such devastating danger." It is our loyalty to those fundamental principles of our foreign policy that conditions our attitude toward the questions coming before this Assembly for consideration.
48. While rejoicing at the dawn of serious attempts to ban nuclear tests, as part of the larger objective of reaching agreement on the principles governing disarmament and the regulation of armaments, as ordained by the Charter, the Government and people of, the Republic of the Sudan were taken aback to learn that France is contemplating the explosion of an atomic bomb in the Sahara Our reaction to these projected experiments on the very borders of the Sudan cannot be but one of deep alarm and concern. My Government has on several occasions and through diverse media drawn the attention of the French authorities to the incalculable dangers and grave consequences which such experiments are bound to entail. Quite recently, following the French Government's official decision to test such weapons in the Sahara, my Government made formal representations to France in an effort to persuade France to abandon the project. The Sudan was not alone, in this, nor is it alone. The Governments of Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Nigeria and Morocco have made similar protests, and popular feelings throughout the world — including France — have been terrified at the prospect of the dangerous consequences.
49. The area selected for atomic tests is surrounded by other peoples and countries — the Sudan shares a border of about 2500 kilometres with French Equatorial Africa, forming part of the Sahara. Some of these neighbours are independent States which have made their attitudes known and their voices heard following the Conference of Independent African States held in Monrovia. Others are dependent territories whose true voice is not heard in these counsels and, as such, the United Nations has a prime responsibility for ensuring the security of those countries. The Charter treats the interests of these peoples as "paramount" and describes the promotion of their, well-being as "a sacred trust". What greater interest, may I ask, without impertinence, is there for a man than the safety of his person? And how can a duty be "sacred" or "more sacred” If it does not extend to the protection of human life against the imminent danger of total annihilation?
50. It is indeed a cause for regret and disappointment that France, a founding member of this Organization and a permanent member of the Security Council, on whom falls a special duty for the maintenance of international peace and security, should be the one who is about to fail in the discharge of that duty.
51. We note, in a memorandum circulated by the French Mission, that France is trying to justify its proposed action by drawing comparisons between its tests and those previously carried out by other Powers. This, we submit, is. an invalid argument because, firstly, those Powers carried out their tests either on their own territories or with the consent of the owners of such territories. Secondly, those Powers have now declared their intention to suspend their tests pending agreement on the whole question of cessation of nuclear tests. We are advised by experts that because of the nature of climatic conditions in the Sahara and the behaviour of the prevailing winds there, the chances of fall-out affecting vast areas are very great. The note goes on to state that the distance between the testing ground and the nearest inhabited point will be about 1,000 kilometres. This calculation presupposes the existence in the French Sahara of a circle of 2,000 kilometres in diameter that is totally uninhabited. To the best of my knowledge an area of such dimensions does not exist. The effect of the fall-out becomes even more serious and widespread in the face of the fact that the inhabitants of the Sahara are nomads, whose movements follow no certain pattern.
52. On the question of general disarmament, we believe that the solution of the problem is the key to the consolidation of peace. In this context, we are gratified to note the establishment of the Ten-Power Committee as a serious attempt of tackling the problem. We appreciate also, the communique [DC/144] made by the four Powers to the Secretary-General in which the countries concerned declared their intention to keep the Disarmament Commission informed of the progress of their deliberations, because the question of disarmament and the regulation of armaments is of over-riding concern to all the Members of the United Nations.
53. As a member of the African family, the Republic of the Sudan welcomes the advent amongst the Members of this Assembly of Togoland, the Cameroons, Nigeria and Somalia. But there are other communities yearning for liberation and independence, who have pinned their faith to this Organization for peaceful settlement, so that they might devote their energies to the constructive tasks of development and prosperity. We feel we are entitled to make their voice heard. We have ourselves passed through the same phase and know their motives and aspirations, which are the natural motives and aspirations of men and women asserting their inherent right to live in liberty and dignity. Their right to be the arbiters of their own destiny, to live in dignify and to promote their standards of living in larger freedom is a natural right which has been re-affirmed in the Charter. The alternative, and I must here strike a warning, is disturbance and violence or, in other words, another Algeria.
54. This brings me to the Algerian question. For five years war, and a very hot war, has been raging in that country with all its consequences — loss of human life and property . For the last five weeks the whole world, the Algerians included, have held their breath waiting for the French Government to recognize the fact that the time has come for the Algerians to be independent. A huge pile of historical precedents have established that no power, no force, nothing whatsoever, can stop a nation from attaining independence.
55. For the purpose of creating and maintaining a suitable atmosphere with a view to helping both parties reach a happy compromise, the delegation of the Republic of the Sudan refrains from any comments on the French communique. However, we agree wholeheartedly with the reply of the Algerian Government which, by showing its readiness to discuss the political and military aspects of a cease-fire, as well as the details of the application of self-determination, has manifested a sense of responsibility towards its problem as related to the background of international peace and world tranquillity. This attitude is worthy of as hearty a welcome and as strong a rapport as was accorded earlier to the French communique.
56. It is to the conscience of the French people, to the descendants of the French revolution, who established the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity, that the people of the Sudan appeal, applying for a ceasefire and not pacification, and for a dignified attitude towards the Algerian people as represented by the Provisional Government. It is with this Government, the Algerian Provisional Government, and this Government alone that lie the jurisdiction and power-to order a cease-fire in Algeria.
57. Allow me to refer very briefly to the following questions: It may not be out of place to mention here the tense situation obtaining in some parts of the southern Arabian Peninsula. We would urge, in all sincerity, that solutions corresponding to the aspirations of the peoples of these areas and in keeping with their right of self-determination be found without delay. We believe that the cause of peace and the maintenance, of friendly relations will be served if approaches consistent with the spirit and letter of the Charter are brought to the settlement of the issues involved.
58. We are convinced that the representation of China would not only recognize the legitimate rights of the Chinese people and their Government, but would surely enhance the effectiveness of this Organization. Today the United Nations can rightly pride itself in securing the effective participation of most Governments of the world. A respectable number of these have already recognized and established diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China. That is why we, the delegation of the Sudan, regret the fact that the General Assembly did not find it possible to include in its agenda for the current session the question of the representation of this great world Power. We sincerely hope that the General Assembly will revise its judgement in this regard in the near future.
59. Once again, and for the eighth time, the question of race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of “apartheid" of the Government of the Union of South Africa comes before the General Assembly of the United Nations agenda item 61. The delegation of the Sudan notes with grave concern that, despite the repeated and unanimous condemnation by the General Assembly of such a reactionary policy, which aims at the absolute and complete oppression of the Africans and other non-Europeans in all spheres of life, the Government of the Union of South Africa continues to introduce new legislative and administrative measures as a result of which the mere idea of racial equality in the Union of South Africa amounts to treason.
60. The Sudanese people, who strongly believe in the Purposes and Principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, strongly condemn this suicidal policy which is a complete negation of all human ideals, and appeal to the United Nations to keep the issue alive in order to uphold the principle of freedom.
61. The Sudan has always taken a keen interest in the constitutional development of the United Nations. We conceive of the United Nations as an Organization created to respond to the requirements of an intrinsically dynamic world. The world of today is not that of San Francisco. It is changing and will continue to change. As a result, the scope and activity of the United Nations and its organs is rapidly expanding, notably in the economic, social and humanitarian fields. This fact was clearly envisaged by the original drafters of the Charter and was reflected by the inclusion of Chapter XVIII. In the view of the delegation of the Republic of the Sudan, a revision of the Charter capable of accommodating these factors seems both necessary and timely. The delegation of the Republic of the Sudan has specifically in mind a possible expansion in the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council with a view to providing a more representative set-up. We also believe that the strengthening of the authority of the International Court of Justice by an increase in the number of Judges or by the conferring on them of greater powers will be salutory to the international community.
62. Further, a revision of certain Charter provisions that have, in recent years, occasioned heated controversies with a view to reconciling their interpretations, might remove causes for friction-even if only verbal — between Members of this Assembly. My delegation has particularly in mind the relation of Article 2 (7) to Article 1 as a whole and Article 10 (1) in matters of interpretation relating to competence.
63. At this juncture and after referring to the highlights of our foreign policy, I find it most appropriate to speak briefly about our economic objectives. Our policy in this respect has been explained on several occasions before, but I would like to emphasize once again that the financing of economic development has been the major preoccupation of my Government. A comprehensive policy regarding foreign investment and foreign capital has already been planned and the required legislation which will give effect to the principles already outlined has also been promulgated. From the beginning, my Government has attached great importance to an over-all economic development of the Sudan in every field in order to raise the material and moral standards of the Sudanese people.
64. We strongly believe that in the absence of an enlightened economic policy the political and social advancement of our people would be seriously retarded. That is why we are happy to welcome all sorts of economic assistance which the United Nations can afford to render.
65. So far as the industrial field is concerned, it is true to state that most, if not all, of our public utilities are already State-owned. In a country like ours where private capital is either shy or scarce, it is assumed that the Government, will embark on industrial enterprises without any preconceived idea that the State thereby intends to create any sort of public monopoly for industrial enterprises. Such an arrangement is expected to continue as long as private capital, local and foreign, is not available.
66. I am. gratified to state that in July 1958, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development [IBRD] advanced a loan equivalent to $39 million to my country for the development of transportation. This is IBRD’s first loan to my country, which became a member of IBRD in September, 1957. This loan will finance the imported equipment needed to increase capacity and improve the operating efficiency of the railways and of river transport services on the Nile; to build two new railway extensions into productive zones in the Southern and Western Sudan, and to increase berthing capacity at Port Sudan on the Red Sea, the country’s chief outlet to the world.
67. My Government, during its short term of office, has been genuinely and keenly active in exploring all the possible ways that will help the establishment of local industries. Such industries as generation of hydro-electric power, textiles and others are under way, but much remains to be done. My Government would therefore be more than happy to see more collaboration on the part of the highly-developed countries to help the under-developed countries build up their economies.
68. In this connexion, I wish to state that the main obstacle which my Government has encountered in the development of the private sector is not the absence of investment opportunities but rather the lack of capital. This stems from the meagreness of domestic saving as well as the scarcity of foreign capital.
69. The Government of the Republic of the Sudan has announced a liberal policy toward private capital and has offered privileges and concessions which are sufficiently attractive to any genuine investor. Despite that, foreign private capital is not forthcoming. This, in my view, is due to the fact that the international movement of capital has lost the risk-bearing and enterprising qualities which have characterized its operation in the past. It is also due to lack of knowledge on the part of prospective investors. Under these circumstances, my delegation feels that the United Nations organs concerned with the development of underdeveloped countries can play a leading role in this regard. By directing private capital to where the need is more pronounced and remuneration is guaranteed, the United Nations can supplement its own work programmes and help the small nations expand their economies and develop their potential resources.
70. Being a primary-producing country, the Sudan follows with great interest the efforts of the Commission on International Commodity Trade in exploring ways and means for solving the acute problem of international commodity trade. I am sure that the solution of this problem would be an important factor in maintaining world stability, and would benefit not only the primary-producing countries themselves, but also the advanced industrialized countries. For more than two years now commodity prices have been falling. As a consequence of this adverse position, my country, with cotton as its main cash crop, has suffered violent swings in its balance of payments and a drastic depletion in its foreign reserves. This was the most serious problem facing my Government, which spared no effort to save the country and redeem it from this critical situation. This included action on cotton marketing arrangements and monetary restrictions. Another solution is economic diversification.
71. I am glad to say that the efforts made by my Government to solve this problem have been crowned with success and we have now been able to dispose of all our stocks of cotton and other subsidiary crops. The success we have achieved will not makers fail to realize that in order to counter this international difficulty, collective co-operation is essential.
72. Before I conclude, I wish to refer to two institutions of particular interest to my country. The first is the Special Fund. Although it is premature to pass judgement on this hew offspring of the United Nations, we have no doubt that it will discharge its great responsibilities with the zeal and devotion which is customary in United Nations bodies. We feel, however, that the funds at its disposal can be greatly increased with the co-operation of the advanced countries. Indeed, its resources must be reasonably increased if it is to be effective and to perform its intended objectives.
73. Secondly, I wish to welcome the advent of a new member to the family of international financial institutions, namely the International Development Association, which is now being processed with the cooperation of the United Nations. We have no doubt that this organization will fill a. real gap in economic development and, for that matter, will greatly alleviate the financial burden consequent upon it.
74. We recognize that there are human problems which are difficult of solution. But given the will to cooperate, and given the determination to live up to our pledges under the Charter, we feel that these difficulties may not prove insurmountable. In conclusion, let us bring to our discussion of the questions before us the spirit which this Organization is entitled to expect from its Members and the spirit which the Members themselves are justified in expecting from one another.