28. The Romanian delegation fully shares the view, expressed by other delegations from this rostrum, that the present international circumstances are creating new opportunities for the General Assembly to approach the issues on the agenda of its fourteenth session in a spirit of cooperation and understanding conducive to their solution in conformity with the cause of peace.
29. The highlight underscoring the improvement of the world political climate is the exchange of visits between the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, Mr. Khrushchev, and the President of the United States, Mr. Eisenhower. These meetings respond to the yearning for peace of all peoples. We express the hope that they will mark a turning-point in contemporary international relations,
30. It is, however, obvious that the United Nations cannot restrict itself to acknowledging the emergence of new opportunities for constructive activity on the world scene.
31. It would not be an overstatement to say that the United Nations, and particularly this session of the General Assembly, is facing a test. Will the United Nations take advantage of the new opportunities and turn them into the specific, concrete actions expected by all peoples, or lag behind the new international developments, thus disappointing the peoples?
32. The challenge is all the more serious if we take into account that there are political and social forces opposing the new international developments, forces which do not reconcile themselves easily with the thaw in the relations between States and which are desperately clinging to the cold war. While they are losing ground in the world at large, these forces are ready to resort to the positions they still hold within the United Nations to maintain international relations at freezing-point and to stimulate the cold war, however harmful such an attempt may be for the prestige and authority of the United Nations.
33. In your inaugural address, Mr. President [795th meeting], you said that the fourteenth session should be remembered in history as the session of peace. The Soviet proposals for general and complete disarmament give flesh and blood to this idea. The fact that this plan was put forward by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, Mr. Khrushchev, has focused the attention of the world public on this General Assembly.
34. In the opinion of the Romanian delegation, the basic prerequisite for the successful accomplishment of the tasks incumbent upon the General Assembly is a correct understanding of the character of this Organization. I refer to the fundamental principle of the Charter, namely that the United Nations should become a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of its common ends.
35. In a world consisting of States with different ideologies, with different economic and political systems, the United Nations can fulfil the role it was created for, only if it is true in theory and in practice to this very principle. This is the key problem for the authority and efficacy of the United Nations as a truly international organization.
36. The wilful effort to transform the United Nations into an instrument of a single ideological concept, of a single economic and political system, and to utilize it as such in order to impose that concept or to promote the interests of that system can only lead to the deterioration of the United Nations’ capability to act for the maintenance of peace and security.
37. Yet, one cannot fail to observe that the Western Powers have endeavoured and are endeavouring even now to use the United Nations as an instrument of their policies, to subordinate this wide international organization to their own narrow interests, to create within it a feeling of hostility which makes co-operation among Member States almost impossible.
38. The facts show that this wilful effort is exerted along the following lines: First, the endeavour to have the principles of the Charter identified with the so-called Western outlook; in other words, to force a unilateral interpretation of those principles upon the Organization as a whole. Secondly, discrimination against a number of States either because of their belonging to the Socialist system, or because of their refusal to participate in Western military alliances. Thirdly, the forcing through of resolutions which reflect exclusively the interests of the Western Powers. Lastly, the confusing of the sphere of internal affairs of States with that of international relations, with a view to using the United Nations as a machinery for furthering the political, economic or military aims of the Western Powers throughout the world, as a machinery directed against the anti-colonial movement of nations, against the drive of peoples for progress and social justice, as well as against the régimes chosen by the peoples of Member States.
39. In practice, those activities are carried on either by unilateral interpretations of the Charter or by violation of the rules of procedure, and, within the Security Council, by trampling underfoot the principle of unanimity of the permanent members. In short, all those principles, all those rules of procedure, which were worked out at San Francisco precisely with a view to maintaining the character of international organization in a world of divers social and economic systems, are being distorted and broken to serve the narrow and exclusive interests of a group of Member States.
40. True, in a number of instances, the Western Powers have had the support of the majority to this end, and for one reason or another a number of States have deemed it fit to cast their vote in support of such actions. This fact, however, does not alter the data of the problem, and that problem is one all Member States interested in strengthening the United Nations ought to ponder: Is it really wise to undermine continually the very foundation of the United Nations, its very reason of existence, only to further the narrow and short-term interests of a group of Member States? The Romanian delegation believes this to be both unwise and shortsighted.
41. Allow me to dwell upon some cases in point. Let us consider first the disarmament question. It is obvious that a solution must be found to this problem which should take into consideration the interests of security of all States and which should conform with the broad interests of peace. Although everybody realizes that such a solution can be reached only by the agreement of the parties concerned, we have frequently witnessed efforts on the part of the Western Powers to force the adoption by the General Assembly of decisions running counter to the interests of security of one or another group of States. At the same time, guided by their own narrow interests, the Western Powers have blocked the adoption by the General Assembly of decisions which obviously would have served all nations and world peace.
42. Let me turn now to the question of the representation of China. Debates of past years, as well as the recent one in the General Assembly, have made it abundantly clear that the main reason for denying even the right of debating this issue in the General Assembly has been and remains the fact that the ideals of socialism have triumphed in China. The debates have demonstrated that all the pretexts invoked by the opponents of the lawful representation of China in the United Nations cannot conceal the real issue, which is that the Western Powers violate the principles and the rules of procedure of the United Nations, in order to bar from its membership a great Socialist State.
43. Let me conclude this point by reiterating that the United Nations can enjoy authority and prestige in the contemporary world only if it turns into a genuine centre for harmonizing the views and actions of all nations, irrespective of their philosophy, of their political and economic system.
44. The major problem before the General Assembly is disarmament. The Romanian delegation holds the view that in this domain the United Nations has entered a new stage.
45. We welcome the fact that the delegations which have so far stated their position, have not mentioned such theories as the "balance of terror" or that of "deterrent", which were heard at the past sessions, the more so as everybody understands the reason why these theories have been forgotten. It should also be noted that in his statement before the Assembly, Mr. Selwyn Lloyd said [798th meeting] that the United Kingdom is in favour of a programme whose aim would be to move by balanced stages towards the abolition of all nuclear weapons of mass destruction and towards a reduction of other weapons and armed forces to levels which will rule out the possibility of aggressive war.
46. It is well known that for many years the Socialist States have strongly advocated such a programme. In our view, all these elements create favourable conditions for a new and fresh approach to the disarmament question.
47. We have before us a proposal of paramount importance: the proposal for general and total disarmament advanced by the USSR (779th meeting]. Whatever the past and future objections to this radical programme, it must be admitted that it measures up to all the needs of the contemporary world, that it solves all the difficulties which have ever stood in the way of practical disarmament steps, beginning with the equitable consideration of the security requirements of all States, the balance of military forces between various groups of States, down to the question of control. Finally, that is what may truly liberate mankind from the threat of a catastrophic war.
48. General and total disarmament is the logical conclusion of the principles and purposes of the United Nations, since this would make possible the fulfilment of all its tasks by radically eliminating any possibility of military conflicts.
49. The adoption of the Soviet disarmament plan would represent an eloquent demonstration of the lack of any aggressive designs on the part of all States. And if any States have such designs, it would dispossess them of the means of carrying them out.
50. All States are interested in general and complete disarmament. While the big Powers bear the main responsibility in this request, small States can and must contribute their share towards the attainment of this goal.
51. decent evidence points to the fact that even the richest States feel the heavy burden of their exorbitant military expenditures. When we turn to the underdeveloped countries, it becomes no less clear that only a substantial reduction of military budgets of the big Powers may allow a vast programme of economic development of the under-developed States. It has been repeatedly stressed that the ultimate responsibility for disarmament rests with the United Nations. The United Nations is now given the best opportunity to demonstrate in a practical way that it is equal to that responsibility. Any attempt to minimize, in one way or another, the significance of general and total disarmament will be considered by world public opinion as an evasion of that responsibility.
52. So far, it can be noted that the old experts in finding pretexts for blocking specific disarmament steps are facing a serious test. They are already frightened of becoming jobless, since they have been unable to raise any serious objection against the programme for general and complete disarmament. Even the pretext of controls has become a dead horse, since a careful study of the Soviet programme shows that it provides for a total international control, including a system of aerial observation and air photography over the territories of States. The Romanian Government shares the view that if the Western Powers are not yet prepared for a radical solution of the disarmament problem, it is necessary to negotiate and adopt without delay partial steps on disarmament.
53. Promoting a consistent policy of peace, the Romanian Government has already proceeded to several reductions of its armed forces. On Romanian territory there are neither foreign military bases nor troops belonging to other States. Now, it is only up to the Western Powers to see that all Member States should be in a position to make similar statements from this rostrum.
54. The Romanian Government considers that the newly-established Committee — the ten-Power Committee, Romania included — offers an adequate framework for fruitful negotiations on disarmament. Romania will endeavour to the best of its ability to contribute to the successful activity of this Committee.
55. The Romanian delegation deems it necessary to draw the attention of the General Assembly to the question of regional agreements. The complexity of international issues on the one hand, which delays worldwide agreements, and on the other hand, the urgency for practical steps aimed at lessening international tension, move to the forefront the necessity of adopting partial measures to that end and, in the first place, regional agreements. The Romanian Government attaches particular importance to those agreements.
56. Geographical proximity, historical traditions, common economic interests, cultural ties, as well as specifically regional questions — all these are permanent and stable factors of "rapprochement" and understanding among nations of a given area. Experience shows that regional agreements can be reached more easily than solutions of world-wide issues, thus opening broad avenues to all States, big or small, for initiative and for contribution of their own to the cause of strengthening international co-operation. It is, after all, clear that any regional understanding for peaceful co-operation is going to exert a positive influence on the general international atmosphere. This is all the more true in those regions where States belonging to different economic and political systems, or to opposing military alliances, coexist side by side.
57. These considerations prompted the Government of' the Romanian Peopled Republic, as far back as September 1957, to invite the States of the Balkan region to work out in common appropriate measures for the development of peaceful multilateral inter-Balkan co-operation. In the message sent on that occasion to the Heads of Governments of the Balkan States, Mr. Chivu Stoica, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Romania, proposed to convene a summit conference of the Balkan States in order to find mutually acceptable solutions with a view to the development of the economic, political and cultural relations among the Balkan States, and to the strengthening of peace and security in this region.
58. Extending its 1957 initiative, the Romanian Government proposed in June of this year, the conclusion of a Balkan treaty of understanding and collective security. Such a treaty would include appropriate provisions for the establishment of a permanent framework for manifold co-operation and the development of good-neighbourly relations among Balkan States. By this treaty, the Balkan States would agree to solve peacefully any differences among them, not to resort to aggression or to war-threats in their mutual relations, not to allow on their territory the storing of atomic or nuclear weapons, nor the maintenance of military units belonging to States outside the Balkan region supplied with such weapons. Establishment of launching pads for rockets and guided missiles should be barred.
59. Appraising the situation realistically, the Romanian Government took into account that such an agreement would be greatly facilitated and its efficacy considerably increased if the big Powers, bearing the main responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security, would lend their support to the conclusion of such an arrangement of collective security and would pledge to observe the decisions of the Balkan States to turn this region into a zone of peace and neighbourly relations.
60. As is known, so far only the USSR, among the big Powers, has stressed its readiness to give such a pledge.
61. The main elements favouring regional understanding in the Balkans are to be found as well in other regions of the world. Thus, the idea of establishing regional multilateral arrangements could be usefully generalized.
62. Let us make Article 52 of the Charter, which so far has been invoked only when military alliances were concluded, a starting point for the establishment of regional zones of peace and neighbourly relations, In the Romanian Government’s view, the generalization of the idea of regional co-operation does not mean at all to devise a single pattern for all areas. The specific forms of regional co-operation should remain, obviously, within the competence of the States directly concerned.
63. We believe, however, that the United Nations is duly bound constantly to strive in creating the appropriate framework to enable all States, big or small, to contribute their share to world peace and security. The Romanian Government is studying the practical ways through which this United Nations support could materialize. We welcome the remarks and suggestions which Member States may find it possible to make to that end.
64. The Romanian delegation considers that the question of the under-developed countries, of the liquidation of the economic and cultural backwardness from which the peoples of these States are suffering is a crucial problem of our time. Promotion of economic and social advancement of all peoples is one of the main goals inscribed in the Charter. Nevertheless, one cannot fail to acknowledge that the obtaining situation in this field is notably unsatisfactory. All United Nations activities, as well as various projects of economic development worked out by the Western Powers for their economic communities, have not succeeded in avoiding the deepening of the gap between the underdeveloped countries and those Powers. The United Nations statistics clearly indicate that.
65. After seventy years of Pan-American community and solidarity, the result is that the average national income per capita in the Latin American countries is ten times lower than the national income per capita in the United States.
66. As far as the British Commonwealth or the French Community are concerned, the national income per capita in the Asian and African countries belonging to these communities is fourteen times lower than that in the United Kingdom or France.
67. Recently, that gap, instead of being closed, looks even worse. The Secretary-General had good reasons to point out, in his remarks on 6 July 1959 before the Economic and Social Council, that the gap between the rich and the poor countries continues to widen.
68. In other words, in all these communities the rich are getting richer and the poor, poorer. Ironically, this state of affairs is often described from the rostrum of this Assembly as "the free world".
69. The Romanian delegation is convinced that the economic backwardness of so many States and the conditions of poverty and want, in which over a billion people are doomed to live, have no reason whatever in our century. The giant advances of science and technology allow the aspirations of all nations for economic progress and welfare to be fully satisfied, irrespective of the continent where they live.
70. Romania, too, belongs to an international community, the socialist community. Yet, the striking discrepancy between participant States is alien to this community. The disparities, in the economic development of these States, to the extent they still exist, are due to the various levels they had at the time they adhered to that community. But those disparities are being liquidated at a quick pace, so that all Socialist States will reach in the same historical period the level of plenty that shall enable them fully to meet the material and spiritual needs of their peoples.
71. To put it briefly, the motto of the Socialist States is that they all should become rich, which seems to us more in keeping with the Charter and surely with the wishes of the nations.
72. In only the fifteen years since its liberation, Romania has become a country with an industry supplying 80 per cent of the equipment required for the development of the national economy, an industry producing oil equipment, tractors and trucks, mining equipment and the complete set of machinery to build factories made in Romania. The impact on the Romanian people's life of this growth of productive capacity is marked by two figures: average longevity has increased from forty-two years to sixty-three.
73. The economic co-operation between the Socialist States does not restrict but, on the contrary, creates even wider possibilities for the development of trade exchanges with all other countries of the world. The record of our initiatives within the United Nations testifies to the desire of the Romanian people to contribute its share in this field within the United Nations too.
74. At the twelfth session of the General Assembly [689th meeting], the Romanian Government put forward its proposals regarding the drafting of "Principles of international economic co-operation" and at the thirteenth session it proposed in a draft resolution the organization, within the United Nations, of international co-operation aimed at the development of the oil industry in the under-developed countries possessing oil resources. The Romanian delegation will continue to act along these lines during this session.
75. We live in an epoch which requires of all mankind, of leaders, statesmen and diplomats, the maximum mobilization of all resources, wisdom, realism and vision.
76. The United Nations is a forum where these requirements should find their full expression if this Organization is to keep pace with our age. May the United Nations face with honour this hard but noble task.