130. Once again we are here gathered in this Assembly, coming from all parts of the world with our ideals and aspirations as well as with our concerns and our problems, to look at the world with its achievements during the past year, its problems., and above all, its future, a future which, we hope, will be of peace, of justice and progress.
131. It is the practice for the representatives who take part in the general debate to review the international situation since the last session of the Assembly adjourned. Since much has already been said, nothing will be gained by repeating the appraisals which have been made, in most cases, with a keen sense of comprehension and accuracy. One thing is certainly evident, and that is the feeling that the world finds itself at an uneasy peace and that it has been tossed about by cold and hot blasts of stormy winds. In the midst of this incessant turmoil, even the pleas for peace which rose from this rostrum and elsewhere had a hoarse and highly disturbing ring, for they are invariably accompanied by the threat that the only alternative to peace is the merciless destruction of human lives, of cities, and the silence of the ashes and graves strewn all over the world.
132. To us in Thailand and, I am sure, to many hundreds of millions of those who have a faith, whichever it may be, this dilemma is highly repugnant and intolerable. We can never accept the dilemma as it is presented to us. The peoples and nations of the world may agree or disagree with one another, but the alternative to agreement can never be the destruction or extermination of those who do not agree with us. The solutions must be found elsewhere: they must lie in our efforts to practise tolerance towards one another, to develop a better comprehension of our mutual position, to renounce measures of force and violence and to resort only to peaceful methods of settling differences All this is not new. But at this time, when we are being cornered and confronted with this deadly dilemma, it is imperative that we extricate ourselves from that corner and shake ourselves from the hypnotism which tries to make us believe that the other alternative for harmony between nations is war, nuclear or otherwise.
133. If we care to have a close look at the international situation, we cannot fail to realize that the ills which beset the world today do not lie so much in the Berlin and German problems or even in the arms race, which are only outward manifestations, though weighty and consequential manifestations, of the present international tension, as in the aggressiveness of a certain ideology or political creed, its fanatical proselytism and its frantic and relentless expansion and propagation beyond national boundaries. Even if one firmly and sincerely believes that one's own political or social system is superior to others, the fact that one tries to force it down some other people's throat can only bring a natural reaction of self-preservation. And if one should go further and aim at a still more lugubrious objective, either in the physical or figurative sense, then reactions would naturally become stronger, as no one or no system that we know of is prepared to be resigned to such a fatal destiny.
134. The effect of all this will only tend towards developing fear and mistrust and is evidently the negation of what the Charter enjoins all the United Nations Members to do, namely "to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours".
135. To achieve the objective set forth by the Charter, it is imperative that efforts and preparations to destroy one another, not only by modern weapons in time of war but especially in peacetime by infiltration and subversive activities, should cease. If agreement on such a point can be reached, it will probably change the face of our present world and will remove the fear and mistrust among nations which are the fundamental causes of today's international tension. To us, small nations, the disease which plagues the world and poisons the relationship between nations resides mainly in continuous interference or even intervention from outside. The sooner it is removed from the world body, the better will be its health and its atmosphere. From then on, further elaborate technical works on disarmament can be pursued by the major Powers which possess the most up-to-date engines of war with greater and better chances of success.
136. The standpoint from which we look at the world today is not purely academic or idealistic. As far as Thailand is concerned, my Government has made it abundantly clear that my country fully respects the views of other nations, and never will it do anything whatsoever to influence or coerce them to modify their views and policies. Neither will it engage in activities to interfere with the internal affairs of others. As a corollary, Thailand expects others to show the same respect towards its policies and opinions, and it will exercise all vigilance in preventing and suppressing interference in its domestic affairs, especially in the form of subversive activities, which of late have substantially increased. In this connexion, we feel that both our country and South-East Asia owe a debt to the South-East Asia Treaty Organization, a purely defensive organization, for safeguarding the region from major disturbances and encroachments.
137. At the same time, although the matter has been considered by the Security Council, it will be difficult to overlook the disturbed situation in Laos, where foreign intervention is threatening the national existence of a Member State. As the Sub-Committee appointed by the Security Council is now conducting its investigation and collecting evidence of that intervention, my delegation will only say that the above measure has already produced some tangible results for the restoration of peace and tranquillity. It is our hope that the Sub-Committee will be allowed to function in Laos for some time, and if it should be withdrawn the United Nations must take other adequate measures to safeguard peace in the area.
138. The present case has been cited to illustrate the point that we, the smaller nations, are deeply and closely affected by the insidious activities of a certain aggressive ideology which actually undermines the basis of peace even to a greater extent than the apparently well-known world issues.
139. Besides Laos, there are numerous other practical manifestations of ideological aggressiveness. Sometimes the eruptions took place in the Middle East, some other times in Europe or in Asia, such as in Tibet or on the Indo-Tibetan border. In Tibet, in particular, and irrespective of constitutional opinions one may have on the subject, the occurrences are highly disturbing. The ruthless use of force to subjugate a peaceful people who desire nothing but to preserve their free way of life has deeply shocked the Asian people, and can only be considered as an unmistakable sign of intolerance on the part of the aggressive ideology referred to previously.
140. Therefore, the prerequisite for peace, a durable and just peace, must be the recognition and effective practice of tolerance. No clamour for peace or peacefulness, however loud it maybe, will be sufficient to ensure peace; if peace is to prevail, all these acts of intolerance, interference and intervention, all these subversive activities, must cease.
141. An important corollary of tolerance is also the capability to understand other peoples' point of view. It is difficult to comprehend that in the era in which we live, when the means of communications and transportation are progression at gigantic strides, artificial barriers have to be erected and maintained to keep peoples and nations apart, thereby preventing them from coming into contact with and understanding one another. Fortunately, at least on the high official level, the necessity for entertaining direct personal contacts has been felt and has begun to materialize. It is our hope that such personal relationships will further develop and will produce beneficial results not only for the countries directly concerned but also for the world at large. We cannot help thinking that however powerful some countries may be, and however widespread their interests may be, peace is still the deep concern of the great as well as the small. Never can there be a grading of human lives and human freedom, and whether they belong to Africa, Europe, America or Asia, they are endowed with the same intrinsic value which must be carefully safeguarded and developed.
142. Another important characteristic of present international relations appears to be that while nations affirm their dedication to peace and their abhorrence of war, there has not been an absolute and categorical renunciation of force and violence on the part of every nation. Neither has there been an unequivocal pledge to have recourse only to peaceful methods of settlement of international disputes. In fact, as we have Seen, forceful measures continue to be used not only in settling differences among nations but also especially in imposing one nation's views upon others or to achieve political gains. It is high time that if we want to be true to our pledges both as peace-loving nations and as faithful Members of the United Nations, we must give serious consideration to the materialization and enforcement of this sacred duty for all nations, whether or not they are Members of this Organization.
143. In this connexion, my delegation fully shares the ideas developed by the Secretary-General, Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, in the introduction to his annual report [A/4132/Add.1]. Both the United Nations and its Secretary-General have presently and potentially a truly significant role to play in preventing conflicts from becoming aggravated as well as in resolving them peaceably. In support of what the Foreign Minister of Cambodia said [798th meeting], my country also can speak from direct experience and state that when diplomatic relations were at one time suspended, the United Nations, through the personal representative of its Secretary-General, was instrumental in helping the two countries re-establish normal relations. Since then, and thanks to the will of both Cambodia and Thailand to live as good neighbours, the clouds of misunderstanding are gradually being dissipated. This incident is illustrative of the services this Organization can perform for its Members. And when we are fully cognizant of the fact that the Secretary-General is not only truly devoted and dedicated to the cause of world peace but also capable and willing to take upon himself the high responsibility of his office, more delicate tasks concerning the preservation of world peace may be entrusted to him with confidence. On the other hand, we should by no means neglect to tap other possible sources of services. High moral authorities who in the past have lent their valuable contribution to conciliate and reconcile divergent or even conflicting interests may still perform a highly useful task for world peace. Even though I do not follow the Catholic faith, I am pleased to recognize the high moral and spiritual authority of the Head of the Roman Catholic Church, whose devotion and concern for peace are clearly evident.
144. From what has been said above, it is clearly apparent that what the world at this juncture needs most is not so much high-sounding affirmations of one’s longing for peace as the will to have peace, to live in peace and to act accordingly. If the nations of the world, great and small, should agree to practise tolerance in all its aspects, to develop better understanding of one another, and to renounce force and violence and to have recourse only to peaceful means for settling disputes, peace will reign. In other words, if nations are willing to help themselves in their mutual relations, the United Nations will help them have peace. In conformity with this concept, I must say that there is a growing realization in our part of the world that the nations living in the same region share a common interest and a common stake in their own welfare and prosperity. They feel, therefore, that it is essential for them to develop and strengthen among themselves the ties of regional solidarity which in due course may mature into a form of regional co-operation as envisaged by the Charter.
145. While the political situation in the world attracts most of our attention and preoccupation, it can hardly be forgotten that peace, order and justice in our international society will not be maintained for any appreciable length of time if some nations and peoples live in conditions widely different from others. As has been noted by the Secretary-General in his annual report [A/4132], and also by many representatives who. preceded me, the gap between the rate of income and the economic growth of the advanced nations and that of the under-developed nations continues to grow at an alarming pace, and so does the disparity between the increasing prices of manufactured products and the lowering prices of primary commodities. If such a trend — which may be due to natural economic laws or to controllable factors — were to persist, it might look as if the burden of ensuring the progress and prosperity of the advanced nations would fall heavily upon the shoulders of the under-developed nations. For it is they, with their sweat and toil, who supply the cheap materials for the others to process and resell at high profits. If such is the case, the conclusion would be that the latter should deem it an obligation, moral or economic, or both, to assume greater responsibility toward the under-developed nations, either on a bilateral, or multilateral basis, than that presently prevailing. My country, for its part, is fully conscious of its duty towards its own people and is shouldering a heavy burden. Thailand at the same time gratefully acknowledges the help it has received from international agencies such as the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and the Special Fund, as well as from friendly countries such as the United States, from some of its fellow members of the South-East Asia Treaty Organization and finally from the Colombo Plan. It is our hope that while helping us, the friendly aid will also enable us to play a useful and worthy role for peace in our part of the world.
146. We in Thailand believe that economic and social development is an essential element to consider and to bear in mind in any efforts to preserve and maintain peace. That is why we whole-heartedly support such regional projects as the ones now contemplated for the Mekong River basin and the Asian highway. Although these projects will Require time and important financial outlay before they can materialize, it is our fondest hope that the necessary help will be forthcoming, as their realization will bring stability and progress to South-East Asia and indirectly to the world at large and will be truly symbolic of fruitful co-operation among the nations of the world.
147. As we can well see, the task confronting the United Nations is multifarious and world-embracing. Although this Organization may not succeed in every task facing it, nevertheless in the short period of some fourteen years it has done more than any other international organization has ever done in the whole history of mankind. Given further encouragement and better means, it can do even more. For the sake of our present and future generations, can we afford to deny it the chance to help us Member States to fashion a better, safer and friendlier world to live in? Thailand, for its part, gives the United Nations its unswerving loyalty and support.