140. First of all, let me take this opportunity of extending the very warm felicitations of my delegation to Mr. Belaúnde on his election as President of the fourteenth regular session of the United Nations General Assembly. My delegation, in common with other delegations, has no doubt that he is eminently suited to discharge, with distinction, the onerous functions expected of this exalted post. His vast and lengthy experience with the United Nations activities, and his wisdom and deep perception, will certainly stand him in very good stead in the discharge of his heavy responsibilities. Both on behalf of my delegation and on my own, let me express the hope that under his wise guidance the fourteenth session of the General Assembly will make a significant contribution towards the restoration of peace and harmony in the world. 141. Before coming to the business of the present session, let me associate myself with the sentiments expressed by my colleagues who have preceded me in condemning the dastardly crime committed against the illustrious Prime Minister of Ceylon, Mr. Bandaranaike. The crime was all the more shocking since its perpetrator is reported to have donned the sacred robe of a Buddhist priest. As a Buddhist, let me take this opportunity of stating from this rostrum that violence is totally alien to the Buddhist way of life, and both on behalf of my delegation .and on my own, let me extend our heartfelt sympathy to the people of Ceylon for their very tragic loss. 142. Once again, at this fourteenth session, the General Assembly opens in an atmosphere of tension. Unfortunately there is nothing new or novel about this, because it seems to have become the rule rather than the exception for the General Assembly to meet in such an atmosphere. It merely reflects the unfortunate fact that the world has not known genuine peace during the past two decades, ever since the outbreak of the Second World War. We have all been compelled to adjust ourselves to this atmosphere, and we are all fortunate that we have the United Nations to turn to whenever a given situation seems to be getting out of control. 143. The United Nations has its shortcomings audits limitations, but it must be admitted that it has successfully steered the world through one crisis after another and prevented a major clash between the two camps armed with frightful weapons of destruction which can be brought into action at a moment's notice. If the United Nations cannot give us genuine peace, it has succeeded in saving us from the scourge of war. It has given and is still giving the world the much needed opportunity to make the extremely difficult adjustments demanded by the nuclear era and thereby fulfilling what we consider to be an indispensable function. 144. Meanwhile, we are glad to note that the quest for real peace continues in earnest. We most heartily welcome the exchange of visits between President Eisenhower and Prime Minister Khrushchev, because we believe that they truthfully reflect the growing realization throughout the world that, in the prevailing circumstances, war is unthinkable and that the problems which confront us, however intractable they may seem, must therefore be settled through peaceful negotiation. Since the main obstacles to the settlement of these problems are fear, suspicion and distrust, it is our hope that these visits will bring about better understanding and a consequent relaxation of tension, thereby opening the door to settlement of those problems which have so far defied solution. My delegation, therefore, welcomes this exchange of visits between the leaders of the two most powerful nations of the world. These visits are part of a very noble mission to reduce the risks of another world war. If the Eisenhower-Khrushchev talks, just concluded, should prove to be the start of a new development in world affairs, and we hope they will, the framework most suitable for its functioning would be the United Nations. There is certainly great scope for this world Organization in establishing the new pattern of world politics that is emerging if all of us approach the problems with vision, courage and enterprise. 145. Although the Foreign Ministers' Conference at Geneva did not produce any positive concrete results, it should not be regarded as a waste of time and effort. The fact that the Conference lasted so long despite the appearance, at its very commencement, of apparently irreconcilable differences, and that the conference even now has only been adjourned and not terminated, clearly demonstrates a determination on both sides to persist in their efforts until peaceful solutions are found. We hope that the Eisenhower-Khrushchev meetings will result in a definite improvement in the international climate so that the Foreign Ministers' Conference, when it is resumed, will be able to make a greater impact on the seemingly insoluble problems which plague the world today. Meanwhile, we congratulate all the Foreign Ministers on their will to find peaceful solutions, and wish to assure them of our continued unstinted moral support. 146. We regret that the question of general disarmament had to be shelved during the year that has elapsed since the Assembly last met. But, it is certainly a matter for gratification that the Big Four Powers have come to an agreement on the imperative need for a fresh round of negotiations by a newly-formed ten-nation Committee. For the first time in the lengthy and turbulent years of disarmament negotiations, membership in the new body is divided evenly between the Western and Eastern blocs. My delegation is happy to note that the United Nations has not been by-passed by the establishment of the ten-nation Committee and that the ultimate responsibility for disarmament measures will continue to rest with the United Nations. On this understanding, my delegation has endorsed the principle of negotiation outside the United Nations for the resumption of talks on disarmament. For this reason also we would like to see the United Nations Disarmament Commission reactivated, since the final responsibility for disarmament should lie with this world Organization. 147. The effective role of the United Nations in the field of disarmament is clearly recognized by all nations. It is evident from the fact that this year's general debate once again highlights the problem of disarmament. delegation, in common with several other delegations, considers that Prime Minister Khrushchev's proposal for total disarmament in stages [799th meeting] is deserving of the closest attention both in and outside the United Nations, and we are in complete agreement with the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Herter, when he said last week that the Soviet proposal must be taken very seriously. 148. We are also gratified to note that significant progress has been made in the Geneva discussions between the United States, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United Kingdom on the cessation of nuclear tests. One of the barometers of world tension has been the progress of this Conference of the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapons Tests, which has been meeting at Geneva since July 1958 and which adjourned till 12 October, that is, throughout the Eisenhower-Khrushchev talks which were expected to deal with this matter, among others. The hopes and fears of many people have concentrated on the projected Geneva Conference which has received more than its share of appeals from official and unofficial bodies. Before adjournment, in an atmosphere of cordiality, the participants cheered the world with happy tidings. The United States undertook not to hold any tests before 1960. The United Kingdom has agreed not to test while negotiations continue and the Soviet Union promise not to be the first to resume tests. We welcome these assurances, not only for the prospect of poison-free atmosphere, but also for the fact that they herald a broader agreement on disarmament itself. All of us, I am sure, are heartened by the spontaneous decisions of each of these three countries not to resume nuclear tests as long as the others do not resume them. We wish to commend them for this wise and humane decision. 149. We are also, however, bound to note with regret and concern that, while the three existing atomic Powers have come to this most welcome agreement, France seems determined to proceed with its tests in the Sahara, and so establish its right to belong to the "nuclear club" and reassert its policy of "grandeur". With all due respect, my delegation would humbly submit that the possession of the nuclear weapon should not be regarded as the test of "grandeur". France is already a great nation even without this terrible weapon. We believe that there are other ways in which France can demonstrate its greatness in a more convincing fashion, and we hope that its energies will be turned in those directions rather than in that of adding to the fears and worries of an already tense world. We are against any further poisoning of the atmosphere. Moreover, the projected nuclear tests by France would be seriously against its own interest. Any military gains likely to be achieved would more than offset by the overwhelming political liability which it would incur in most areas of the world, especially at a time when hopes are set on reducing East- West tensions by the talks between heads of Governments. 150. We feel that any discussion of East-West tensions will be lacking in significance if I fail to mention the question of China's representation in the United Nations. As is well known, the Government of the Union of Burma recognizes the People's Republic of China and consequently supports the seating of its representatives in the United Nations. There is still one other consideration that cannot be ignored. The People's Republic of China contains approximately one quarter of the world's population, and in the view of my delegation, it is unrealistic for the United Nations to continue to ignore this by shutting out the representatives of the People’s Republic of China. 151. I wish to take this opportunity of reiterating our disapproval and condemnation of colonialism in any shape or form, and our sympathy with those whose lot still is to struggle under foreign domination. The attitude of the vast majority of Asian-African peoples towards this problem is too well known to be reiterated here. After the last World War the United Kingdom made a graceful exit out of Asia as a result of which India, Pakistan, Burma and Ceylon once again became free, sovereign States. The Federation of Malaya followed suit. France made its exit too, though not So gracefully, from Asia. To our distress, however, large areas of Africa are still under colonial yoke. After all these years it is time that the colonial Powers understood the upsurge of national consciousness in colonies as a rising tide which no power can stem. The more prolonged this meaningless attempted stemming, the more painful will be the result not only for the colonial Powers, but also for the whole of the so-called "free world", and for the cause of democracy which Burma cherishes. In Africa over a million people are being ruled today by the free nations of the world. The atmosphere is far from ideal for the flowering of democratic ideals. There is one very telling truth which is apt to be overlooked. When independence is too long postponed, a mood of desperation and frustration appears which hinders free development in all spheres. If a country wins independence too late, then some extreme forces come to the surface and become dominant. It seems to my delegation that one main reason why democracy is receiving set-backs in many newly independent nations is that many of their new leaders are imbued with a sense of frustration and desperation after unnecessarily prolonged struggles against their old masters. 152. This brings me to the situation in Algeria, which is foremost in the mind of my delegation whenever the problem of colonialism is discussed. At this stage I do not wish to go into a detailed discussion of the issues involved. Suffice it to say that we extend our heartfelt sympathy to the long-suffering people of Algeria, and express regret that so much blood continues to be shed by both sides in the Algerian fighting. My delegation appreciates the fact that the problem which faces France in Algeria is by no means a straightforward one, but it is our hope that France will show itself to be willing and able, under the wise leadership of President de Gaulle, to work out a mutually acceptable settlement in accordance with its great liberal traditions and the legitimate aspirations of the Algerian people. 153. A very significant development took place a fortnight ago when President de Gaulle announced his new Algerian peace proposals. My delegation will reserve its position on these proposals, as well as on the reaction of the Algerians themselves. However, we fully appreciate President de Gaulle's desire for peace, and we hope that his new approach will lead Inevitably to negotiations of a political nature which obviously have been the essence of United Nations resolutions in previous sessions. 154. My observations on colonialism would not be complete without a reference to the question of West Irian, which is the predominant colonial issue in Asia. Although the Government of the Republic of Indonesia did not request the inclusion of this question in the agenda of this session, my delegation feels that the United Nations should be kept reminded of the continuing existence of the West Irian question as part of the problem of colonialism, and that this problem can be solved only by negotiation between the parties concerned. 155. As I have stated above, Burma, like other formerly dependent countries, having suffered from the effects of colonialism, cannot help maintaining its traditional stand against all manifestations of colonialism and believes that the best contribution which the Member States can make in the cause of peace, happiness and prosperity of mankind is to assist in liquidating any form of domination of one people by another. As mankind has placed its major reliance on the United Nations, we are happy to note that the emergence of an increasing number of free and independent countries within the past few years has become a strong source of inspiration to many millions of human beings who are still denied the rights of self-determination and self-government and the right to be the masters of their own destiny. The appearance of new independent nations cannot but strengthen international peace and co-operation. 156. As a member of the Trusteeship Council, Burma is particularly gratified to know that the Cameroons and Togoland under French administration and Somaliland under Italian administration will all become independent in a few months’ time. The impending attainment of independence by the Federation of Nigeria, of which the Trust Territory of Cameroons under United Kingdom administration had for many years been administered as an integral part, has injected an element of urgency and importance into the burning question of the political future of the British Cameroons. In the determination of the destiny of the British Cameroons, we trust that the Administering Authority will assist the people by fully respecting their freely expressed wishes and lead them towards the objectives of Chapter 101 of the Charter. 157. Let me touch very briefly on the deplorable situation regarding race conflict in the Union of South Africa. After all these years, the Government of that country persists in swimming against, the tide by applying its policies of “apartheid” and racial segregation, in defiance of repeated appeals by the General. Assembly. My delegation is convinced that those policies will eventually have to be abandoned, but we hope that this will be done while it is still possible for some kind of mutual accommodation to be worked out between the European settlers and the indigenous Africans, and that it will not be left until frustration and bitterness within the latter community build up to such a point as to make such an accommodation impossible. 158. My delegation is happy to note that the explosive situation which existed in file Middle East during the last year did not result in any major eruption and that stability has been restored to the affected areas. On the other hand, we cannot help but regret the continuing lack of success in bringing about better relations between the Arab States and Israel. Since the continuance of this state of affairs means that a large share of the resources which might otherwise be utilized to raise the living standards of the people are now being diverted to unproductive purposes, we would once, again appeal to both our Arab and our Israeli friends to intensify their efforts to find ways and means to solve their differences. 159. My delegation is extremely happy to observe that the problem of raising the living standards in the under-developed areas of the world is being given the highest priority by the leaders of those countries which are in the best position to assist in meeting this problem. The problem is such a staggering one that we believe that it will take the combined efforts of all the highly developed countries of the world to make an impact on it. It is our belief that the time has come for the major industrialized countries, irrespective of ideology, to pool their resources, and to view this problem in its proper perspective and not to treat it as an instrument of the ”cold war”. 160. Before I conclude, let me, on behalf of my delegation, reiterate our hearty welcome to the current negotiations between the two super-Powers: the United States and the Soviet Union. These moves may be the harbinger of peace and harmony in the entire world. Agreements and settlements at the summit can, however, be upset by occurrences elsewhere in the world, quite unprovoked by the great Powers. A new flare-up in the Middle or Far East could easily destroy a limited accommodation at the summit. Here the United Nations, can play a significant role. It seems to my delegation this world Organization, can certainly exert its pacifying influence by making its presence felt in the turbulent areas of the globe. On behalf of my delegation I want to pay a very warm tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, for his untiring efforts in discharging his very delicate duties towards the achievement of United Nations objectives. But we feel that, in the context of increasing flare-ups in some parts of the globe, the remedy lies in our ability to make the United Nations presence felt in all potentially explosive areas. Peace is indivisible. Any disturbance of the peace in any one part of the globe cannot fail to have repercussions on the other parts. My delegation feels that very close attention should be given by this Assembly to the possibility of stationing the Secretary-General's special representatives in those areas, with their functions clearly defined. This innovation worked with signal success in the Middle East last year during the period of grave crisis, and there is no reason to suppose that it will not work in other areas in similar situations.