48. Mr. President, allow me, through you, to offer to Mr. Belaúnde my congratulations upon his election as President of the General Assembly and my best wishes for his speedy recovery from his present indisposition. Mr. Belaúnde's warmth of personality, his long and perhaps unique experience in the service of this Organization and his devotion to the cause of the United Nations are known to all of us. The fourteenth session of the General Assembly is fortunate indeed in its choice of the presiding officer.
49. I should also like to take this opportunity to express my sympathy to the leader of the delegation of Ceylon and, through him, to the Government and, people of Ceylon on the tragic death of the late Prime Minister, Mr. Bandaranaike, whom I was privileged to know personally.
50. To speak late in this annual debate confers an advantage, and I think it also creates an obligation. I have had the benefit of. listening to the statements of many representatives in regard to those matters which are of paramount concern to all the Members of the United Nations. In placing before the Assembly the Views of my own Government on some of these questions, I recognize a duty to avoid needless repetition, I should therefore like to preface my remarks with a few observations about the tenor of the debate.
51. There has been ample testimony that all the Governments and peoples of the world seek the goal of disarmament. Everyone knows that the quest is desperate, for we live in the shadow of a growing destructive power which our forebears could scarcely have imagined. Many speakers have emphasized the imminence of this peril. If we do not soon find a way to bring about disarmament, a point may be reached at which — by miscalculation or design — events may make further discussion meaningless.
52. In our recognition of these dangers, we are all of one mind. We are also united, I think, in deploring the huge wastage of human skills and natural resources in furthering destructive ends. Since the establishment of the United Nations, much has been done through international co-operation to assist the advancement of the less developed countries. In any historical perspective, this record, is impressive: but, as the Secretary-General reminded us twelve months ago, the volume of resources absorbed each year in military uses exceeds the total resources available for economic development in Asia, Africa and Latin America. All of us, I am sure, would wish to reverse that trend.
53. Such a display of unity would seem to ensure success — if the United Nations were able to function as the authors of the Charter had envisaged. In a very real sense, the central problem of disarmament is Simply that of achieving among the great Powers the basis of mutual confidence and co-operation which is presupposed in the Charter of this Organization. No problem is more fundamental, and, of necessity, its solution must largely depend upon the actions of the great Powers themselves.
54. It is therefore the course of realism to welcome and encourage direct negotiations among the great Powers. My Government gladly acknowledges the progress already made at the Geneva Conference on the discontinuance of nuclear tests, though important points of difference remain. Patience and perseverance will be needed on both sides; but the attitudes of the three Powers justify the hope that a soundly-based treaty will be concluded. The restraint shown by the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union in suspending tests of nuclear weapons has encouraged and reassured world opinion, which was becoming increasingly alarmed at the rise in radiation levels.
55. It is New Zealand’s hope that the last nuclear weapons test has taken place and that the temporary suspension of testing will become permanent. There can, of course, be no assurance of such permanence unless suspicion is put to rest by an agreement which provides for an effective system of inspection and control. This need of an effective system of inspection and control is not of course an end in itself, but it is, we feel, the necessary condition for establishing international confidence. If the Geneva negotiations are successful, there will be much greater promise that other and more complex aspects of the disarmament problem can in their turn be resolved.
56. My Government believes that the ten-Power disarmament committee, set up by agreement between the United States, the United Kingdom, France and the Soviet Union, will be well placed to promote negotiations among the four Powers' themselves. Judged in this light, the new Committee could not be regarded as an encroachment upon United Nations prerogatives. We are, however, glad to have the assurance that reports of the work of the ten-Power committee will be submitted to the Disarmament Commission. We do not consider that the United Nations should remain inactive while the problems are being examined in another forum.
57. In their statements before the General Assembly, Mr. Selwyn Lloyd [798th meeting], for the United Kingdom, and Mr. Khrushchev [799th meeting], for the Soviet Union, both outlined new disarmament plans. These are most interesting and important proposals. They demand careful study and thorough discussion; but the contrasting methods of presentation invite a preliminary comparison. The United Kingdom plan proceeds by careful stages, building stone upon stone. The conception of this plan is that the process of disarming depends directly upon the gradual establishment of an adequate system of controls and supervision.
58. The Soviet plan is also detailed; and, in that respect, it is — as Mr. Khrushchev suggested when he spoke to the Assembly — a renovation of disarmament proposals put forward by the Soviet Union over a period of more than thirty years. Nevertheless, the dramatic feature of the Soviet plan lies in its insistence that all the obstacles to agreement among the great Powers can quickly be surmounted. As a declaration of faith and purpose, made by the leader of one of the world’s two most powerful States, this assertion is of great significance; but the detailed proposals outlined by Mr. Khrushchev do not in themselves reveal how the two sides are to reconcile their desire for disarmament with their natural concern to preserve their own security. We need, I feel, further explanations before judging whether the goal of total disarmament is capable of such rapid attainment.
59. Meanwhile, I feel, we are entitled to draw encouragement from the mounting indications of a better international climate. The imperative need to agree upon disarmament measures has provided the occasion and the incentive for a closer understanding among the great Powers. The progress made at the Geneva Conference and the voluntary suspension of weapons testing by the three nuclear Powers have contributed to a relaxation of international tension. The meetings which have taken place this year between leaders of the great Powers are another welcome development, which cannot fail to reflect itself in the disarmament situation.
60. There is, in short, we feel, a new spirit of cordiality in Great Power relationships; but this spirit of cordiality has still to be translated into terms of practical achievement. In the field of disarmament, as in other fields, the proof of progress is agreement upon concrete measures, which alone can promote the growth of trust and confidence among the Great Powers. That is the element of strength which has so long been lacking in the structure of our Organization; and differences among the Great Powers are a present source of danger. The quest for practical measures of disarmament should go hand in hand with progress towards the solution of other outstanding political questions. While such problems remain or continue to arise, they must temper any optimistic assessment of the international situation.
61. I would refer particularly to the negotiations among the Foreign Ministers of the four Powers which have special responsibility in regard to Germany. These negotiations are of vital importance to the preservation of peace, and they receive appropriate mention in the Secretary-General’s report to this Assembly [A/4132]. If any attempt were made to change the situation in Berlin by unilateral action, the set-back to international confidence would be profound, and every field of United Nations endeavour would be adversely affected. My Government shares the hope and expectation of the world that the issues separating the four Pouters will be resolved by agreement. We have noted with deep satisfaction that the recent meetings between Mr. Eisenhower and Mr. Khrushchev have yielded renewed promise of such an outcome.
62. After their recent talks, the two leaders issued a communique stating that negotiations about Berlin would be re-opened "with a view to reaching a solution which would be in accordance with the interests of all concerned". I stress the last words; for it is right that we should bear in mind the particular interests of the German people, as well as the general interests of the world at large. I can only regret that, in the European area, there has been no improvement in another situation which affects the welfare of a nation and the right of its people to live in freedom. It is, unfortunately, only too clear that in Hungary repressive policies have not abated. The Soviet and Hungarian authorities have continued to defy the United Nations. The General Assembly’s Special Representative on the Hungarian Problem has been denied permission to visit Hungary in pursuance of the mission entrusted to him.
63. In Asia also there have been developments which must give the international community deep concern. I refer particularly to the actions of the Peiping Government in Tibet. Brutal repressive measures have been applied on a wide- spread scale. They were used to, subdue what was undeniably a genuine national movement of protest against the destruction of the separate identity and unity of the Tibetan people. These actions have been condemned throughout the world, and cannot, we feel, be ignored by this Assembly.
64. In Laos recent developments have presented this Organization with a problem very similar to that which it faced last year in respect of Lebanon. Once again, the problem involves a small country whose history and attitudes show that it is no menace to any other State. Once again, it is complained that rebel elements are being assisted and directed from outside and that foreign forces are directly involved. Once again, there has been great difficulty in determining the nature and extent of the emergency. In our divided world, there are many techniques of subversion and indirect aggression. They assume special effectiveness when employed against countries which, like Laos, face great internal difficulties in establishing national unity and stability. When charges of aggressive conduct call for investigation, every effort should be made to establish their validity. My Government is gratified that the Security Council responded so promptly to the appeal recently made by the Government of Laos.
65. In my previous remarks I have laid a heavy stress upon the need for a better understanding and closer co-operation among the Great Powers. It is, I think, self-evident that every step in that direction will increase the effectiveness of this Organization and will advance the cause of peace and security. It is however, far from my intention to imply that the special position of the Great Powers in any way diminishes the responsibilities of the United Nations or each Member State.
66. Despite the handicaps under which it has often laboured, the United Nations has given many proofs of its ability to contribute actively to the relief of international tension. In this respect, it is perhaps in the Middle East that we are confronted with the greatest challenge. Nowhere is a relaxation of tension more to be desired. The benefits of progress would be felt throughout the world; but, first and foremost, they would be reflected in better living Standards for the peoples of the area themselves. In this context, I should like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for his tireless efforts to provide for the continuance of United Nations assistance to Arab refugees, and in every way to help in bringing about an improved international atmosphere in the Middle East.
67. If we are to achieve a relaxation of tension in this area, it must, I think, be agreed that the maintenance of the United Nations Emergency Force remains essential. The United Nations Emergency Force has continued to carry out its difficult task with great efficiency; and, in the view of the New Zealand Government, it deserves the fullest support. This is surely a case in which Member States have the opportunity and the obligation to make a direct contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. If we do not face squarely the financial implications of action by tills Assembly, we shall jeopardize the future of the Assembly’s own instrument.
68. The problem of the Palestine refugees, with all its overtones of social injustice and human suffering, remains before us. Despite grave financial difficulties, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees has carried out its humanitarian mission with the aid of a devoted staff. The New Zealand Government believes in, and has consistently supported, the work of the Agency. We think that the Assembly could not abandon this endeavour and the people who depend upon it, without compromising the high ideals of the United Nations and its concern for human welfare. Nevertheless, if this work is to continue, the Member States which support it have every right to expect the full co-operation of the countries in the area in seeking to achieve a more satisfactory and permanent solution.,
69. It is, in every context, regrettable that little progress has been made in solving the political problems of the Middle East, in spite of the considerable efforts of the United Nations. This makes it all the more important that nothing should be done to exacerbate relationships among the States in the area. As a small step forward, the international community has surely the right to expect that the laws of peace will be applied to situations which are in themselves inherently peaceful. As it has stated on many occasions, my Government attaches great importance to the principle of freedom of navigation; and it remains firmly of the view that the Suez Canal should be operated under a system which treats the ships of all nations alike.
70. In reviewing the accomplishments of the United Nations, a prominent place must be given to the operation of the Trusteeship System. The Assembly can, we feel, take considerable satisfaction in the fact that four Trust Territories in Africa are approaching independence or self-government in 1960. We look forward to their admission as Members of this Organization. It is our hope that they will be given every assistance by the United Nations in dealing with their early administrative, educational and technical problems. As their numbers grow, the independent States of Africa will, I am sure, play an increasingly important part in the councils of lie world.
71. To New Zealand, the work of this Organization in the field of trusteeship is of special interest; for the United Nations has entrusted to my country the important responsibility of administering the Trust Territory of Western Samoa. During the present, month, a cabinet government is being inaugurated in Western Samoa. That is almost the last major constitutional step before independence is attained in a little more than two years’ time,
72. It is therefore fitting that I should mention, as a vindication of United Nations methods, the steady evolution of this Trust Territory from dependent status. The establishment of a cabinet government and other advances have made 1959 perhaps the most important year in Western Samoa’s history as a Trust Territory. These developments have come about through a close and continuing partnership among the Samoan people, the New Zealand administration and the Trusteeship Council. I believe that all three are entitled to take pride in the results achieved.
73. For New Zealand there is an additional source of satisfaction. At the San Francisco Conference in 1945, the New Zealand representative, Mr. Fraser, who was then the Prime Minister of my country, served as Chairman of the Committee which drafted the trusteeship provisions of the United Nations Charter. He urged that the idea of ’’accountability” for peoples under trusteeship should be fully expressed. Since that time, New Zealand's interest in the theory of trusteeship has been reinforced and tested by practice. Step by step, my Government has tried to apply to Western Samoa the concepts discussed and agreed at San Francisco. New Zealand now looks forward with pleasure to the culmination of its trusteeship in an independent and prosperous Western Samoa.
74. This year, my country has rejoined the Economic and Social Council after an interval of ten years. Once again we have found how useful it is to be brought into closer touch with this large and important segment of the work of this Organization. No Member State is unaffected by the activities within the Council's purview. It is, I am sure, very much in the United Nations own interest that all Member States should, from time to time, have the opportunity to serve on the Council. Unfortunately, the present size of the Council restricts these opportunities unduly; nor does it provide a membership which is fully representative of the various geographical areas of the world. Discussions which took place in the Assembly and in the Council itself have more than once drawn attention to the benefits which would flow from increased membership.
75. It is our impression that some changes in the role of the Council are also demanded if it is to keep pace with the extension of United Nations interests and activities. It is, however" equally pertinent to recall that the Council and its subsidiary bodies already have substantial achievements to their credit. Among the most notable is the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance, which the Secretary-General has justly described as "an example of international economic co-operation on an unprecedented scale". This statement is all the more impressive when it is remembered that the Expanded Programme is only one facet of a larger undertaking- — the economic and social development of the less developed countries.
76. The problem of under-development dominates and will, for the foreseeable future, continue to dominate the thinking of the United Nations in the economic field. Despite the flow of assistance to the underdeveloped countries, the gap in relative rates of economic growth has continued to widen. The difficulties of the less developed countries have been increased by the declining demand in many cases and the continued lag in the prices received for primary commodities which figure so substantially in their economies. Often this situation is aggravated by policies which tend to restrict international trade in raw materials and foodstuffs. Such policies cause particular hardship to countries which are heavily dependent for their incomes on a narrow range of primary commodities. International economic assistance in increasing measure is certainly required; but an essential need is the adoption by all countries of policies which will lead to a fuller and freer flow of trade in primary commodities at prices which will promote both growth and stability in the less developed countries.
77. In order to raise living standards for the world's rapidly increasing population, a vast co-operative effort by both developed and under-developed countries is also required. This is a challenge which the international community must meet. A close analysis of all existing efforts in the light of priority needs will indicate the points at which further measures should be taken to raise living standards. By reason of its world-wide associations and its highly qualified staff, the United Nations is in a particularly good position to help in this function. Recently, a number of ways have been suggested in which the role of the United Nations in the field of international economic policy could be developed. Among these, one of the most interesting, we feel, is the suggestion made by the Secretary-General at the twenty-eighth session of the Economic and Social Council in Geneva for high-level discussions on major questions of economic policy.
78. In the early part of my statement, I commented on political problems which can be solved or avoided only if the great Powers are able to compose their sharpest differences and to achieve a greater measure of mutual confidence and co-operation. I then attempted to touch upon various aspects of the wider range of United Nations activities in which other Member States Share with the great Powers the capacity to make this Organization effective. I have latterly been speaking of the problem of under-development; and it is appropriate that I should end my statement by turning back to the other great overriding issue — that of disarmament.
79. It is the prerogative of the United Nations, winch has the ultimate responsibility for the maintenance of world peace, to address itself even to those problems which fall primarily within the competence of the great Powers. At this Assembly session, we shall exercise that prerogative, and we may hope to influence favourably the course of subsequent negotiations among the great Powers.
80. Later, the Disarmament Commission will receive reports of progress in the ten-Power disarmament committee. My Government hopes that the Disarmament Commission will be active in its approach to these or other issues within its competence and purview.
81. But there are extremely important aspects of the disarmament problem which need not be laid aside to await progress in negotiations among the great Powers. In this context, the first requirement would seem to be the formulation of measures to limit the extent of the disarmament problem. Otherwise the problem may grow too large for human ingenuity to solve. Any effective measures to limit the spread of nuclear capability will make an invaluable contribution to the cause of peace and will receive the wholehearted support of New Zealand.