116. I have great pleasure in paying a tribute on this occasion, on behalf of Chile, to the President of the general Assembly, Mr. Belaúnde, who is unfortunately absent. I should be grateful, to Mr. Schmidt, who is in the Chair, if he would convey the gist of my remarks to Mr. Belaúnde.
117. We have known Mr. Belaúnde since he began to show an interest in international problems — the logical outcome for a mind like his, attuned to noble purposes. We have since watched him take in his stride the endless round of conferences and assemblies of this type and have admired his cool, balanced mind. Thus in every respect he seemed exceptionally qualified to occupy a position apart from the rough-and-tumble of political disputes and closely identified with the principles which gave birth to the United Nations Charter. We also pay a tribute through, him to a nation which attained independence at the same time as Chile and to which we are bound by firm bonds of friendship.
118. The feelings of a country like ours when we attend this session are very strange. Let me tell you, in complete frankness, how we feel: here we have a world which is expanding every day, a world beset by problems that are constantly becoming more serious. At the same time there is everywhere an overwhelming urge to live, to find a place in the sun. Precisely because newly independent entities are springing up all round, a country will feel the imperious need to secure its political survival. Here are a whole series of new countries which yesterday were not in existence, but today find that they have a destiny to fulfil, beyond the uncertain times in which we are living. They have the right to speak and to vote here on the same footing as the most powerful countries. For the first time some of them can enjoy the privilege of thinking differently from the countries on which they were formerly dependent.
119. To understand how much the world has changed for the better, let us simply recall the long years that elapsed between the proclamation of their in dependence by the Latin American republics and the recognition of that independence by the mother country, and the still longer period that other powerful countries of that era waited before deigning to accept them as equals. As late as the beginning of this century the payment of debts contracted by a Latin American State with the ordinary citizens or commercial firms of a number of powerful countries was subject to coercive measures. Of course I am not bringing this up in order to make charges of historical responsibility; nothing is further from my mind. I simply mention it to illustrate the tremendous progress humanity has made since then and to show the triviality of our present-day complaints — petty friction between sovereign Powers — in comparison with the sacrifices of dignity suffered in the past.
120. Let us recall that Cyprus should now be added to the long list of colonies or territories which have been granted their independence by England; that Nigeria will shortly become a federation and that Belgium is already talking to us about a free constitution for the Congo. Soon Togoland and the Cameroons under French administration will no longer be dependent upon France.
121. Thus, around us is a world bearing the hallmark of its origin. Anything can be expected of it except suicide. Hence our earnest wish is to see every seat in this Assembly occupied by representatives of countries which are truly independent, and by that I mean countries whose democratic structure allows them to reflect the freely expressed thoughts of free men. To put the matter differently, what is the use of the enlightened outlook of the highly advanced nations if certain parts of the world are still under the sway of a disguised imperialism or of despots whose word is law?
122. A country is not a name, or a flag, or a national anthem. It is a design for living based on tolerance and justice. If democracy seems to many people to be an imperfect system, let us admit that tyranny has given little evidence of its merits, other than the capacity to serve, blindly and for a limited period, some sinister purpose.
123. The problems facing the world today are so vast and have such wide ramifications that it would be foolish for me to try to deal with them. Besides, Chile belongs to a regional organization which endeavours to avoid friction and to settle its little differences without having recourse to so wide a stage as this Assembly. The organization in question has just achieved some very satisfactory results at Santiago as has been recalled here by other speakers. There is no need therefore for me to sing its praises. I will merely reiterate our faith in the effectiveness of its methods.
124. However, I do feel that we should contribute something of our own experience in regard to a few of the matters with which we have to deal. At the Santiago Conference, the principle of non-intervention was of course reaffirmed.
125. This principle which in the past placed the former Spanish colonies beyond the reach of any foreign jurisdiction threatening their recently-won independence, now forms part of a statement of principles for our own internal use. It is no-less valuable for that reason.
126. There is a tendency to meddle in the affairs of other Governments or to judge them from oar own particular point of view. This is especially true where frontiers permit easy contact between individuals and even actual infiltration with a view to changing prevailing systems.
127. This would be a most unfortunate policy as far as American co-existence is concerned. As the President of Colombia said recently, each nation should purge its own system of the defects which lower its prestige in the eyes of others. Otherwise, we would forever be fighting crusades of liberation, as dangerous as they were turbulent.
128. There is a great deal of talk about human rights. This expression is act at all unrelated to the political systems prevailing in various places. Nor is it unrelated to the right of the citizen to conduct himself as such, and to the right of the masses to a minimum of well-being. I am aware that this Assembly considers them as being on different levels; but unfortunately I do not see any way of separating them within the framework of certain concepts which we must extol, defend and encourage wholesale, if democracy is to uphold its prestige and fulfil its objectives.
129. It is clear that the individual human being is constantly acquiring more international importance, if one may put it that way. The first step was to condemn slavery and white-slave traffic. Then the international community went somewhat further and faced the problem of refugees. Now it is felt that we cannot remain indifferent either to the fate of our brothers where their rights are not recognized or they are ill-treated. The word "civilization" has acquired a much broader meaning than it had twenty or thirty years ago. Its roots have buried themselves deep in the human spirit, which has continued to gain strength, until little by little a new map of the world has emerged, with frontiers now based on similarity of thought. Today we know which are the sectors where civilization prevails and which are the ones less worthy of respect, even where their material success is unquestionable.
130. For us at least, countries where people are persecuted for political reasons or where the prisons are filled with persons who have not committed civil crimes, are not civilized countries.
131. This theoretical attitude is not to be confused with the principle of non-intervention by one country in the affairs of another. It is distinct in character and in object. It pursues an ideal, of course. It is rather like the adoption of a person in political trouble who is out of reach, by many scattered persons who speak on his behalf and defend his interests.
132. My country believes that if such a doctrine is put into effect its repercussions could be very vast. The exaltation of the State as an entity to be given unquestioning obedience would be offset by the exaltation of the individual with both his obligations and his rights. The primacy of the State brings with it the subjection of the individual conscience, because a person cannot be changed into an expendable commodity without at the same time being deprived of all his innermost convictions.
133. The code of human rights is not yet written, although it is outlined at the beginning of nearly all our constitutions. It is made up, specifically, of a combination of principles linking human beings with their Creator. It tends to consider a man as the brother of all other men, who safeguard him from afar. He is removed from the arbitrary laws of the tribe and placed under the common protection of the human family.
134. My country understands this because within its borders there are certain practices which link us to the most highly developed civilizations. I refer to the juridical system, and understand the reference — namely, to the climate which is created where individual rights are respected, where courts operate independently and laws are obeyed even though we may not like them.
135. However, it cannot be expected that at a time like this, full of unrest for a variety of reasons, the masses will continue to respect and extol the juridical system if at the same time they do not find it effective in solving some of their most urgent needs as a society.
136. We are glad, therefore, that the so-called "operation Pan-America" is making fairly rapid progress on the practical level. Strengthening national economies by direct measures and improving the conditions of the masses is tantamount to enhancing popular respect for certain principles which at this time are being seriously challenged. It is perfectly logical for people to judge doctrines on the basis of the extent of the benefits they derive from them. It is not a question bf extolling the materialistic aspect of the problem; it is simply that proof must be forthcoming that democracy on the political level, like private enterprise on the economic level, does not merely consist of phrases which conceal an outlook inimical to the welfare of the workers. Conversely, these concepts must be given a value in keeping with the times, which will dignify, enhance and strengthen them,
137. The Government of my country considers that along with the contributions or support it receives from abroad, it has the duty of putting its own house in order. It is doing so, though it is no easy matter. It believes that confidence must be earned before it can be accepted with dignity,
138. I should like now to refer to the machinery of disarmament in relation to collective security. It would be hard to find any nation more eager than we are to divert for urgent social uses a large portion of the funds which are today being spent in certain particular fields. We realize, however, that other countries have a greater say in the matter than has ours.
139. For the first time we have heard clear-cut, detailed disarmament proposals, worked out in stages, which will enable the great Powers to take a stand on a matter of serious concern to them, not so much because of the material burden involved in maintaining armed forces in a state of high efficiency today as because of the terrifying prospect for the world implied in the possible use of the weapons in their possession. I refer to the speech made in this hall by the United Kingdom Foreign Secretary, Mr. Selwyn Lloyd [798th meeting]. The voice of the United Kingdom had been gaining new respect by the way in which that country, without high-sounding declarations but with great understanding of the new times through which the world is passing, has been opening the door to political freedom in all territories in which the necessary conditions for establishing a nation were forthcoming.
140. The case of Algeria, although it affects us only remotely, cannot leave us unmoved. After holding a referendum which ratified the permanent status of Algeria as a French territory, President de Gaulle has gone further and made new offers which now include guarantees of a new consultation, in the broadest and freest sense, of the inhabitants of Algeria. This turn of events — quite apart from the great value of having France as a country respected in the European community — is a source of gratification to all those who understand as we do the need to go on clearing away the problems still darkening the horizon.
141. We are also concerned by the problem of Germany — a country still divided and afflicted deeply by other disturbing factors. The agreements reached during the last- war and the terms of the United Nations Declaration and Charter, gave grounds for hope that the division would last only as long as was necessary to enable Germany to stand on its own feet physically, legally and politically. No one dreamed that the division would become the most serious obstacle to peace in Europe. Unfortunately, that is the case. The German nation, by the very calibre of its citizens, had a right to something better. Today, when territories decidedly less ready than Germany for self-determination appear in the Assembly as territorially complete units, the absurdity of leaving a great nation without hope of solving the problem of its unification — a problem which should never have arisen — becomes even clearer.
142. It will be most helpful to us to have at Santiago the fine building which the United Nations plans to erect on the large site made available by our Government, and conveniently located for the purpose. ECLA, FAO, UNICEF, UNESCO, and perhaps other organizations with branches in Latin America will be housed there. Thus the Chilean capital will be in close touch with a good deal of the work being done by the United Nations for the common weal in this part of the world; and we are certainly grateful for this honour done to our country. The formal handing over of the land granted by Chile will take place, and at the same time a start will be made on the planning and landscaping of the Vitacura Park.
143. It often seems to us that this world is badly and illogically planned in some ways just as intelligence, beauty and health are badly distributed. Nevertheless, we try to make the best of things and respect the laws which have been established by every community to make survival and progress possible. In a succession of stages, man has gradually modified his individual behaviour so as to make it compatible with the way of life of others. That process is rightly called civilization.
144. It is no mere fancy to think of such behaviour, so wise where human relationships are concerned, as also applying to the international field, now that the world has grown so small. It is becoming increasingly difficult in this Assembly to defend any idea in conflict with the progressive and fundamental achievements of the mind and the spirit. The principle of "might is right" is subjected to challenge from time to time, and its character is altered in the process.
145. It is particularly gratifying for nations like ours, whose history is linked to the future, to find that beneath the appearance of selfishness there is a vast network of mutual assistance, financial contributions and disclosures of scientific knowledge which has only recently come into the limelight. A certain type of progress goes beyond the bounds of its country of origin and seeks healthy expansion elsewhere, wherever it can be useful.
146, The United Nations specialized agencies, the Bureau of Technical Assistance Operations, the Technical Assistance Board, IBRD and IMF work together with UNICEF, UNESCO, ECLA and FAO, and we could cite many other similar organizations and offices. My country still cherishes the hope that the Special Fund will include among its projects this year some educational ones of interest to us. We should also like to mention the common efforts being made to establish a Latin American regional market, a subject on which the previous speaker has said all that has to be said.
147. With a future before us which promises a new world of untold capacity for development, the absurdity of undertaking another war in which it would perish becomes increasingly obvious. The texture of the cloth is becoming stronger than its surface suggests, though it is at the surface that the conflicts arise. Chile offers all the good will it possesses in the common effort to build something which will transcend our differences.
148. Although the Organization founded in San Francisco during the war still has not completely fulfilled the hopes which were placed in it, its existence has made possible the inclusion of many countries whose behaviour, thankless though it may appear, promises future strength.
149. We are witnessing the greatest evolution that mankind has ever experienced, and it is taking place in an incredibly short period. That the atmosphere in which it is occurring should be a strange and sometimes troubled one is understandable. It would indeed be odd if it happened without upheavals, and it would perhaps be even more dangerous if the atmosphere were one of hypocritical silence in which evil flourished with no time or opportunity to analyse it.