Algeria

Your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-second session, Sir, gives me the pleasant opportunity to congratulate you most warmly and to wish you all the best for success in carrying out the noble task entrusted to you. I wish also to pay tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail, who discharged his mandate with a skill and effectiveness that earned our respect and appreciation. My praise goes also to Mr. Kofi Annan, who since taking up his duties has worked with courage and selflessness to revitalize the Organization with a view to bringing it into step with the times and with the aspirations of the peoples it brings together. 10 We are meeting once again at a time when it is being confirmed and reconfirmed that the international Organization is facing a comprehensive transition involving two fundamental questions: whether mankind is able, first, to form a concept of the Organization and to put that concept into practice, and secondly, to ensure that the concept and its implementation enjoy universal participation rather than being the sole preserve of the dominant Powers. The fact is that this transition has both a political and a strategic dimension. Now, soon after the cold war, the closure of the East-West rift and the end of the bipolar system, we must find a new pattern of balances in order to establish a new, more just and more unified world order, a world order that respects the interests and aspirations of all, a world order that quite simply restores the values and ideals on which our Organization was built. This transitional phase also has a basic economic dimension: the challenge of globalization, which must be faced by us all in unity so that there will be room for the aspirations of each of us. The test is to master globalization, for unbridled globalization would bring new setbacks and new exclusions, which would pose a threat to all. Finally, this transition has a new dimension: that of coping with threats thus far misunderstood or underestimated, such as the scourges of international terrorism, drug trafficking, international organized crime and environmental degradation. In a related vein, we must share the objective of establishing States based on the rule of law, human rights and good governance as the foundation of the new international relations we are building. Clearly, the United Nations is an active partner in this global transition; hence, it must first of all adapt itself to ongoing changes so that it can influence their development. The Secretary-General has in fact taken the good step of beginning reflection along these lines, for which we commend him, and has taken the initiative to reform the Organization. Here, let me share some of my thoughts on this great plan for the future. My first thought is somewhat methodological in nature. In the package of reforms submitted we distinctly see those which come within the sole purview of the Secretary-General of our Organization, and he has the right as well as the duty to implement these reforms. But at the same time, it is equally clear that other proposed reforms come only within the purview of Member States, which must naturally discuss them before taking a decision. My second thought gives me the opportunity first of all to express our satisfaction at the inclusion of new priorities in United Nations activities — be they in the area of human rights, humanitarian affairs, the environment, combating terrorism or the crackdown on drug trafficking. These are all new universal concerns, and the United Nations has a central place in dealing with them. Having said that, the objective of streamlining our Organization’s activities should not sacrifice what has been and remains the very reason for being of the United Nations — the two pillars on which it has always rested, namely peace and development. From this standpoint, international cooperation for development, as much as international security and disarmament affairs, must not suffer on account of the restructuring contemplated. Otherwise, the credibility and effectiveness of the United Nations would be eroded in these areas of action, which are destined to remain at the forefront of the challenges which our countries will have to face. My third thought concerns the financial crisis of our Organization. Proposals made by the Secretary-General, be it to introduce a new culture of management of resources or to create a revolving fund, are of some interest. However, it is important that Member States be motivated, first and foremost, by the obligation they have pursuant to the provisions of the Charter to pay their contribution to the budget of the Organization regularly and fully. This, in effect, is where we find the genuine and lasting solution to a problem which seems to go on indefinitely and which should be distinguished and solved as such, without its serving as justification for depriving the United Nations of essential functions which it intends to undertake in the service of all. My fourth thought relates to the United Nations General Assembly. If it has become absolutely necessary today to streamline the work of this central body and to re-examine its programme and work methods, we should, by the same token, see to it that the Assembly continues to be the special forum of States where essential issues concerning peace, security and development can be debated and considered. This is certainly one of the most appropriate ways to ensure effective participation in the 11 management of world affairs, in our quest for solutions to international problems, and to promote genuine democratization of international relations. In the era of democracy, transparency and proper management that we are claiming for our countries, there is nothing more normal than to insist, together, on the same values and principles in this Organization which unites us. It is in this same spirit that we see the problem of the legal nature of General Assembly decisions and resolutions, which should be given the necessary effectiveness. It is also in this spirit that we see the problem of re-balancing the powers of the Secretary-General and the General Assembly, which should come consistently within the scope of redefining all the relationships among the principal organs of the United Nations. Finally, and this is my last thought, a revision of the United Nations Charter is of crucial importance and requires in-depth thought which would raise our Organization to a level on par with the vision, principles and objectives which are inherent in it. In this same line of thought, and even if this goes beyond the context of reforms proposed by the Secretary- General, I would like to refer to the issue of the expansion of the Security Council. The Council is, quite obviously, the body whose role and responsibilities best reflect the hopes, expectations and, above all, the frustrations of States. Consequently, it is important that the reform tries to reflect correctly the qualitative and quantitative changes which have taken place in international relations. The enhancement of the political and moral authority, as well as the legitimacy, of this vital body requires a balanced representation within it, whether with regard to permanent or non-permanent seats. Furthermore, any decisions regarding its expansion and the revision of its methods of deliberation and decision-making would benefit by having the broadest possible support of Member States. The declaration of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Non-Aligned Countries in New Delhi in April 1997, which was reaffirmed here in New York, and that of African heads of State and Government in Harare in June 1997 are, in this regard, valuable contributions for our collective thinking regarding the membership and functioning of the Security Council which we all hope will serve our common expectations. Among the new challenges facing the international community, terrorism is the one which apparently is the most formidable because of its threats not only to the basic rights of the individual but also to the very democratic foundations of our societies. No State can consider itself immune from these threats in the long run. In this regard, we should welcome the international community’s awareness which has taken shape of the real nature of this phenomenon. This has been accompanied by greater mobilization of efforts against this scourge, which, above and beyond hindering economic and social development of States, engenders the most serious dangers to international peace and security. In addition, we should welcome the decision of the General Assembly to include the campaign against international terrorism among the major priorities in its medium-term plan of action. The present stage requires that we make effective use of every achievement by guiding United Nations action in an innovative and practical direction, based on operational legal aspects of multilateral activities against terrorism. In the same vein, the conclusion of an international convention to suppress acts of terrorism in an integrated, global manner must be one of the major priority areas for more effective international action. The international community must, above all, resolutely respond to the needs of the struggle against terrorism, depriving terrorists of sanctuary and strictly abiding by the relevant international instruments. In every sphere, Algeria is continuing to work for the emergence and consolidation of mutually beneficial frameworks for dialogue, solidarity and cooperation and for the promotion of relations based on confidence, mutual respect and common interest. That is what guides Algeria in its commitment to building a Maghreb that is united, acts in solidarity and is stable and prosperous. Algeria, which has made the Maghreb project a national priority, is resolved to work together with its partners there to relaunch the process of building the Maghreb on a solid and durable basis. To this end, my country is contributing to the search for a just and lasting solution to the question of Western Sahara. Aware of its responsibilities as both a neighbouring country and an official observer of the Settlement Plan, Algeria has repeatedly urged the 12 international community to shoulder its responsibilities with regard to the peace process in Western Sahara. The recent agreement in Houston, resulting from the direct talks between the Kingdom of Morocco and the POLISARIO Front, under the auspices of Mr. James Baker, the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General, brought a solution to problems that had until then prevented implementation of the United Nations Settlement Plan. This constitutes major progress towards the final settlement of this conflict, and Algeria, like the rest of the international community, is delighted. Concerned for the stability and security of the region, Algeria will continue to make a full contribution to the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy aimed at the holding of a referendum to enable the people of Western Sahara freely to exercise their right to self- determination. In the Mediterranean almost a quarter of a century ago my country distinguished itself through its pioneering role in highlighting the indivisible link between the two coasts of our common sea with regard to security and cooperation matters. The Helsinki process began at that time. Because of its dedication to the Barcelona process, Algeria is today continuing to work to establish and consolidate permanent frameworks for dialogue and cooperation so as to ensure that we deal in a satisfactory manner with the political, security, economic and human concerns of all the States in the European-Mediterranean theatre as well as the legitimate aspirations of their peoples. We are encouraged in this regard by the reaffirmation at the Second Euro- Mediterranean Conference, held in Malta on 15 and 16 April 1997, of the dedication of the Mediterranean countries to the Barcelona process, which rightly constitutes a major political achievement that should be preserved and promoted. In the same context, I am pleased to refer to the holding of the fourth meeting of Foreign Ministers of the Mediterranean Forum in Algiers on 11 and 12 July. This provided the European-Mediterranean theatre with a special meeting place for dialogue to foster mutual understanding and give a new dynamic to the promotion of the European- Mediterranean partnership, at both the multilateral and bilateral levels. Within the Mediterranean theatre, recent developments in the Middle East are in many respects causing great alarm and legitimate concerns on the part of the international community. Prospects for peace that were recently opened up by the peace process now seem dangerously distant, and fear of a return to confrontation is increasing every day. At the heart of the current impasse are the Israeli Administration’s renunciation of the Oslo declaration and the Washington agreements; its negation of the principle of land for peace and its refusal to resume negotiations at the point at which they were suspended; and its continuing policy of settlement, including in Al-Quds Al- Sharif, where a programme of systematic judaization is continuing. The Israeli Administration must understand that only a lasting peace — that is, a just and comprehensive peace — can ensure genuine security for all the peoples of the region. The revitalization of the peace process requires the Israeli Administration urgently to end its unilateral actions, which are contrary to the spirit and letter of the commitments that it entered into. Similarly, it cannot indefinitely and with impunity go against the will of the international community, which has set as an absolute requirement for peace withdrawal from the Golan and southern Lebanon, as well as the right to self-determination of the Palestinian people, including their right to an independent State with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. Also in that part of the world the Iraqi people are continuing to suffer unjustly from the effects of a cruel embargo. My country can only renew its appeal for the lifting of sanctions, which have lasted for too long and cannot be justified today. This appeal also applies to the situation of the Libyan people, who also continue to be subjected to an embargo that is as unjust as it is invalid. Given the start of the process of disengagement from Africa by the international community, and the dangers of marginalization, Africa’s resurgence demonstrates its firm determination to take charge of its destiny and to break the cycle of dependence once and for all. This welcome development also demonstrates the collective determination of Africa to face the considerable challenges that confront it by relying first and foremost on its own resources. In fact, every day Africa gives the lie to the theory that it is condemned to be a zone without laws or development, a zone of insecurity and instability. The democracy and pluralism, which are gaining ground every day in Africa and taking firm hold and the economic growth at rates that are often spectacular, point to new development prospects. At the same time, Africa is showing a promising capacity for conflict management and resolution. 13 The establishment of the Organization of African Unity Central Organ’s Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution and the Treaty setting up the African Economic Community are the product of the spirit of solidarity and mutual assistance which is rooted in African culture and of a strategy for giving fresh impetus to intra-African factors of integration and complementarity. This is the forum to state that the international community must encourage and help these praiseworthy efforts. In this regard, we welcome the convening of a special ministerial meeting of the Security Council on Africa, which is a major political advance. We venture to hope that we are thereby taking steps towards international solidarity with the African continent, which will finally be considered an active partner which cannot be excluded from humankind’s great march towards the fulfilment of its destiny. The signs of recovery which have recently been evident through the growth of the world economy are a real source of satisfaction. However, this slight improvement needs to be consolidated so as to make it the lasting trend of the end of the century. In this regard, it is particularly important that the problems of development around the world, and particularly in developing countries, be given priority, since the current contribution of developing countries is still well below their potential and falls short of the role they legitimately want to play. The phenomenon of globalization, which promises so much, instead continues to bring great uncertainty to the countries of the South, which is compounded by concern at seeing many of them further marginalized and even excluded from the long-awaited overall development process they so desire. This state of affairs is mainly due to a structure of international relations still marked by the North-South divide. It highlights the continuation of the basically adverse nature of an international economic environment characterized by the North’s increasing monopoly of the decisive elements of development: trade, financial and stock markets, flows of capital and investment, and technology transfer. The countries of the South have made economically and socially costly adjustments, and carried out bold reforms in their quest for greater integration into world trade, but they still encounter numerous difficulties. These are aggravated by, inter alia: stifling external indebtedness; a continued deterioration of the terms of trade; an alarming decline in official development assistance; and an equally worrying reduction of international cooperation for development in general. These disturbing trends are in contrast with the global consensus that has emerged during major international conferences organized over the past decade under the auspices of the United Nations. They raise legitimate questions as to the very future of the system established to organize international cooperation for development. On the eve of the third millennium, and at a time when we are trying to find consensus on the need to reform our Organization to prepare it to take up challenges and face future tasks, we all need to do some soul-searching. Tomorrow’s United Nations will be what we, the peoples of the United Nations, want it to be. And the new United Nations that our countries intend to build will, above all, need to be freed from the mistakes and bad habits of the past. Yesterday, the United Nations was a melting pot for the ideals and values that unite us; tomorrow its job is to reconcile these ideals and values with all the expectations of our peoples and nations that are still to be met. This reform project should result in our ideals and values being dealt with in the only way that matters, namely, turned into a vision that become reality. This is what lies at the heart of this major project which we can undertake for the United Nations and, in the final analysis, for ourselves.