Argentina

In recent years we have, happily, drawn closer to the ideals enshrined in the preamble of our Charter. We have taken substantial strides towards the ideal of peace and security; strengthened and broadened the observance of human rights; enhanced and developed international law and widened the scope of international penal law, in particular; and laid the foundations for greater responsibility by States in the advancement of social progress. However, even as we draw closer to these goals, we see rapid changes in our countries and in the world which present a new and complex challenge for the Organization. The challenge begins when we note that the benefits of globalization fall short of being able to alleviate the situation of extreme deprivation from which more than a quarter of the world’s population suffers. Similarly, we see more clearly new threats to security and development, such as drug trafficking, terrorism, corruption, and irresponsible assaults upon the environment. The process of reform undertaken by Secretary- General Kofi Annan must first and foremost identify what is the essential role of the United Nations. We believe that it unquestionably continues to be the maintenance of 14 international peace and security. In order to achieve this we must bring about a world where sustainable development is possible and where the norm is the rule of law; respect for human rights, including respect for the rights of indigenous peoples and minorities; and non-discrimination by reason of race, religion, gender or anything else. The United Nations, through the General Assembly, must continue to be in the vanguard on all these issues, playing the role which in the past enabled it to overcome the scepticism of the times and successfully to combat colonialism, champion nuclear non-proliferation, and, even more important, alert the world to the grave risks of environmental pollution, marginalization, poverty and that new form of moral pollution: corruption. Although, on the whole, reform has aroused feelings of hope, we must overcome the present climate of scepticism and support the Secretary-General. In a world which today is increasingly marked by globalization, the autonomy which formerly characterized State action has been considerably limited. This obliges us to reassess the classical concept of sovereignty, by which I mean flexible and dynamic — not static — reassessment. Argentina has participated with conviction in the process of reform and commits itself to continue to work actively in its implementation. The question of the Middle East is going through a difficult phase. The peace process begun in Madrid in 1991 must necessarily continue, with fulfilment of the Oslo and Washington Agreements. We fully support the determined efforts made some days ago by the Secretary of State of the United States of America, Mrs. Madeleine Albright. We are certain that time will show that those efforts were timely and well-directed. Our country likewise firmly supports the system-wide Programme of Action for the economic recovery and development of Africa, as well as the United Nations System-wide Special Initiative for Africa launched by the Secretary-General in March 1996. We attach particular importance to the mobilization of financial resources for the African continent, and we note with satisfaction the first signs of renewed activity in some very important areas of that continent. With regard to international security, we welcome the adoption of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, which we hope shortly to ratify. Likewise, we extend our unqualified support to the Ottawa process to ban anti- personnel landmines. Our commitment to this noble initiative was made manifest in 1994, when we offered to assume the task of removing the mines laid in the Malvinas Islands. We laid those mines ourselves and thus felt a sense of responsibility. We hope that we shall soon be able to achieve the agreement that will allow us to complete that task. A lasting peace requires United Nations contingents endowed with the capacity to deploy rapidly and effectively. Accordingly, Argentina, together with other countries, is working to improve mechanisms of deployment. In this context, allow me also to recall that, next year, Argentina will mark the fortieth anniversary of its participation in peacekeeping operations. That is a great many years. The magnitude of the adverse consequences for individuals of current conflicts requires us to exert our utmost efforts with regard to humanitarian assistance. Such assistance constitutes an indispensable element in peace-building. Accordingly, the “White Helmets” initiative has made possible a growing mobilization of human and financial resources, bringing about a healthy reassessment of humanitarian assistance criteria and procedures. In order to consolidate a lasting peace, we must not allow impunity to prevail for crimes that offend the conscience of humankind. The creation by the Security Council of tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda is a recognition that justice and law are inseparable components of the system of collective security. Argentina firmly supports the creation of a general and permanent international criminal court. We trust that the Rome conference in 1998 will make possible the realization of this initiative. Let me also say that the Argentine Government firmly intends to pursue its struggle against the abusive consumption of psychotropic substances and illicit narcotics trafficking, as well as related offenses. In the subregional context, we are proud that the Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR) continues to grow in both the commercial and political spheres, which are interrelated, and to contribute to advancing integration in the hemisphere. MERCOSUR is a clear case of open regionalism. It has not resulted in the distortion or diversion of trade but has, rather, generated trade both between the countries of the region and with countries outside it. Argentina, jointly with its other 15 MERCOSUR partners, is active in the formation of the American Free Trade Area (AFTA). MERCOSUR has introduced a proposal for negotiation of AFTA based on a phased approach. With regard to regional security, Argentina has been a leader in reducing residual tensions in the area. It has contributed to the attainment of such cherished goals for the nations of South America as the resolution of border problems in a climate of confidence with our neighbours and by promoting common positions in support of strengthened democracy and political and economic stability. Accordingly, we have, through the Mechanism for Consultation and Concerted Political Action of the Rio Group, been promoting the Declaration on the Defence of Democracy, to which we attach great importance as one more means to advance peace and security — goals that can be achieved only with representative democracy. We also welcome the inclusion of Bolivia and Chile as full members of the Mercosur Mechanism for Consultation and Concerted Political Action. With our neighbours, friends and partners, we are pursuing a deepening of the dialogue on security and defence. We are adjusting it to the new international and regional reality, convinced that security is enhanced through integration. Indeed, the basis of security in the Southern Cone is the friendship and cordiality of its countries. In this context, military cooperation has increased, with positive results for transparency and mutual confidence-building. As a result of these efforts, Latin America today can point with pride to the peace and harmony that prevails among its States. There remains, however, in the South Atlantic, an important unresolved issue: the question of the Malvinas Islands. I reaffirm once again the legitimate rights of the Republic of Argentina in that dispute and its appeal for a peaceful and lasting solution. In keeping with the repeated appeals of this General Assembly and the Decolonization Committee, we believe that it is imperative to resume negotiations on all aspects of the question of the Malvinas Islands. No Member of the United Nations should evade the obligation to resolve a dispute by peaceful means as laid down in the Charter of this Organization. We call for the parties to sit at the negotiating table and discuss all the relevant issues. We have made too much progress with the United Kingdom to avoid addressing this issue. We have made very important strides in building our bilateral relationship with the United Kingdom, which are reflected in heightened economic, commercial and cultural relations between the two countries. We have recreated a climate of mutual trust in the South-West Atlantic, which enables us today to cooperate in the conservation of living resources and in the exploration and exploitation of hydrocarbons. Undoubtedly, these activities would gain substantial impetus from the resumption of direct links between the mainland and the islands, which have proven to be most beneficial in the past. Nothing, however, replaces human contact between individuals. I trust that the new British Government will heed our appeal and that of the international community to pursue a dialogue without preconditions with a view to finding a definitive solution to the sovereignty dispute over the Malvinas Islands. To the islanders, I once again reiterate our firm commitment to fully respect their way of life, culture and institutions, as stated in our national Constitution. The Decolonization Committee, which has historically played a decisive role in this sphere, has shown itself to be the appropriate forum to continue addressing the situation of the Malvinas Islands and other dependent territories. Accordingly, the six countries that make up the MERCOSUR Mechanism for Consultation and Concerted Political Action have reaffirmed the importance of the work of the Committee of 24 on the decolonization process, which has not yet been completed. We trust that the Committee will maintain its effectiveness to the full. Another fundamental issue is the composition of the Security Council, which in 1945 was consonant with the reality prevailing at the end of the Second World War. That is no longer the case, however. On the eve of the twenty-first century, we should not design a model that only adds new discriminations to those we have inherited. That would be a conceptual mistake. Argentina, while understanding the position of each Member State on this matter, is of the view that there is not yet a general agreement concerning the increase in the number of permanent members. We all agree that the reform of the Security Council should make it a more democratic and representative body. To reach that goal, each region will need to arrive at a compromise without being pressured or rushed. In the case of Latin America and the Caribbean, the Summit of Heads of State of the Rio Group has agreed that the region itself will have to decide how to fill the 16 seats assigned to it. Argentina is of the view that an open- ended mechanism of rotation should be established that will enable the participation of all those States that have shown their commitment to and respect for the Charter. This would avoid discrimination against those States that, like Argentina, bear greater financial responsibilities. In short, the Argentine position is aimed solely at promoting the ample participation of all States of the region, without any exclusion whatsoever. I must say, however, that there is more to this matter than the increase in the number of members. Methods of work and procedures also need to be updated. In this context, I concur with the comments made by the representative of New Zealand. It is our firm conviction that reform of the United Nations must necessarily be built upon two fundamental pillars. First, it must respond to the requirements and expectations of the international community. Secondly, it must reflect a general agreement among the Member States. It is only in this way that the Organization will retain its relevance in the twenty-first century.