Guatemala

It is a pleasant duty for my delegation to welcome the election of Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral to the presidency of the General Assembly at this especially solemn session. He will be presiding over a session which for the first time will hear statements by virtually all the world’s leaders. We are convinced that his experience will guarantee the success of our work. I wish also to convey our appreciation to Ambassador Amara Essy for the exceptional ability and efficiency with which he guided the work of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth session. Nor can I fail to convey to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, my Government’s gratitude for his tenacious efforts for peace during a time when his outstanding diplomatic talents have been put to a hard test. Any institution tends to shape its own life, which is not always consistent with previous models. Thus, however much those who carry out the provisions of a founding document may venerate that document, they cannot prevent an organization from transcending to some 45 extent the founders’ original wishes. Moreover, the older the founding document the greater the disparities between the original conception and the institution’s functioning and practices. Obviously, the great changes that have taken place and the new hopes for the end of a century can only intensify this phenomenon. For the United Nations to have escaped this trend would have been impossible, especially when it was dictated by circumstances. A half century has passed since the founding of the United Nations; none of the founders could have imagined the spectacular, dizzying changes that have come about since the San Francisco conference. We must remember that, as a legal constitutional instrument, the Charter needs a contemporary purpose-oriented interpretation in order to be properly understood. With respect to the operational activities of the Organization in the economic and social spheres, few could have thought in 1945 that these would have acquired their present scope. Nor would anyone have thought that Article 2 (7) of the Charter would permit the Organization to become a legitimate champion of respect for human rights throughout the world. We pay a well deserved tribute to the extraordinary skill of the representatives of Member States in devising negotiated formulas that have made it possible to snatch from what seemed to be imminent failure global agreements of great importance — and all the more sound for their having been achieved through a balanced consensus. Although we might have certain reservations about some specific elements of the functioning of the Organization, in general my Government hails the United Nations system’s great ability to adapt to circumstances as it addresses problems calmly and with realism. While we pay tribute to these noteworthy virtues of adaptability, productive pragmatism and the ability to scale high political hurdles, our admiration should not blind us to the need for reform, a need we are already beginning to face up to. Such reform would enable us to remove the Organization’s failings and shortcomings and thus make it more efficient and democratic so it can resist the unilateral practices that would supplant it. Among the most striking features of today’s world are nearly incredible disparities and paradoxes. Although speaking of these is a commonplace here, we cannot fail to note that the wealth of most inhabitants of a tiny minority of countries is in marked contrast to the great difficulties and deprivation endured by three quarters of the inhabitants of the planet, who are prevented from competing on the international market, even with their commodities, by administrative restrictions, subsidies and discriminatory policies. There are places where the most sophisticated products of modern technology are the common tools of the worker; there are other places where you can travel great distances without seeing any technology more advanced than that used in biblical times. It is hardly necessary to note the contrast between the extreme poverty of so many human beings and the vast expenditures on weapons. As to democracy and human rights, we acknowledge the increasing world awareness of those ideals — although we share concerns about the relativism with which they are applied and about the way they are used to exert political pressure and even to trade in influence. It will unquestionably be necessary to overcome those contradictions. We are sure that if that goal is achieved, even partially, the credit will belong largely to the United Nations, which by the terms of Article 1 of the Charter is “a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of ... common ends”. No Guatemalan can hear or utter the word that is at the very core of this Organization — “peace” — without immediately thinking of the most important problem besetting my country. Because of a fratricidal struggle promoted largely by a cold war that was alien to us, a struggle that for more than 30 years harmed thousands of families, endangered democracy and unleashed human rights violations by parties to the conflict, today the most fervent desire of the people of Guatemala can only be reconciliation and a firm and lasting peace. If this has not yet been achieved, it is not because of any lack of effort, patience and great tolerance by the democratic Government and, as is known, by the international community, which has acted principally through the Group of Friends and through the United Nations, specifically through the Secretary-General. The Government of Guatemala thanks all who have contributed to the functioning of the machinery set up to help further our national goal of peace, reconciliation and development, especially the Secretary-General, the Guatemala Unit of the Department of Political Affairs, the United Nations Moderator and the United Nations 46 Mission for the Verification of Human Rights and of Compliance with the Commitments of the Comprehensive Agreement on Human Rights in Guatemala. We are also grateful to the six Governments that form the Group of Friends of the peace process in Guatemala for their invaluable contribution to this arduous and painstaking work. The Government of Guatemala has spared no effort to realize the aspiration of our entire nation to bring an end to internal armed conflict. In the sphere of human rights, the Government of President Ramiro de León Carpio is facing a situation deriving from the armed confrontation that has gripped our country for three decades, so the tasks before us are intimately linked with peace-building. This prompted President de León Carpio to sign the Comprehensive Agreement on Human Rights of 29 March 1994, by which he reaffirmed his commitment to principles and norms aimed at guaranteeing and protecting full observance of human rights by the parties, and his political will to ensure that those principles and norms are respected. As a result of that Agreement, the United Nations Mission for the Verification of Human Rights and of Compliance with the Commitments of the Comprehensive Agreement on Human Rights in Guatemala (MINUGUA) was set up in our country. It has been accorded the fullest facilities and guarantees for its activities on our territory. The implementation of some of the recommendations of MINUGUA has met with difficulties owing to institutional limitations; we are endeavouring to resolve these, although it must be recognized that some provisions do not have the impetus that would secure compliance in the short term. Also, a Counsel for Human Rights is now at work in my country; this is a post formerly filled by President de León Carpio. This office retains and is enhancing its prestige within the country and its international credibility. The Presidential Human Rights Committee (COPREDEH) is making ever greater efforts to ensure that the recommendations are duly complied with. Reflecting my Government’s political will, there are also preventive mechanisms to avoid human rights violations. I turn now to the process of Central American integration, which gave rise to the signing of the Tegucigalpa Protocol to the Charter of the Organization of American States. The Central American Integration System (SICA), founded as an intergovernmental organization, has been working successfully since the beginning of 1993 with the purpose of strengthening integration in the economic, social, cultural and political spheres. Guatemala hopes that — bearing in mind the importance of the Central American Integration System, which encompasses virtually all activities of the Governments of its member States and which covers a contiguous area of some 425,000 square kilometres inhabited by nearly 30 million people — the General Assembly will accede to the request made by Guatemala along with the other members of the System and Panama to grant SICA observer status in the General Assembly. The Central American region founded the Alliance for Sustainable Development to strengthen integration based on democracy, improvement of the quality of life, respect for and development of the vitality and diversity of the land, and the multicultural and multiethnic nature of our isthmus. We supported the establishment of the Association of Caribbean States, and we are participating in the World Trade Organization; these, we feel, are proper forums to foster values that enrich society and promote fair rules of trade. For similar reasons we shall attend the Ibero-American summit to take place at Bariloche, Argentina, and the summit of non-aligned countries to be held at Cartagena, Colombia. We will be at the upcoming Tuxtla II meeting and at talks between Central America and other countries and regional groupings. Recently, we attended the Fourth World Conference on Women, where my delegation supported recommendations promoting the material and moral advancement of women in keeping with ethical concepts that respect women and grant them dignity and participation with the right to complete equality. Our contribution to United Nations efforts towards the democratic rehabilitation of Haiti have taken the form of a contingent of army specialists in peaceful operations. This is the moment to refer to Guatemala’s contribution to two important General Assembly initiatives with respect to the development of legal principles set out in the Charter: the well known Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, which was adopted by the Assembly on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the entry into force of the Charter, and which my country introduced on behalf of its 41 sponsors; and our second contribution aimed at promoting the use of conciliation as one of the means of peaceful settlement of disputes between States set out in Article 33 of the Charter. Guatemala submitted the first 47 version of these proposed rules to the General Assembly in 1990. At its 1995 session, the Ad Hoc Committee on the Charter endorsed the final version of the proposed rules by consensus and recommended that the General Assembly bring them to the attention of States. Consistent with our devotion to law and firmly convinced of the benefits of peace and the importance of mutual cooperation, Guatemala gives priority to the peaceful settlement of disputes. Hence, in connection with the territorial dispute with Belize, my country hopes that there will be a decisive solution through a more realistic, constructive and forward-looking dialogue, unconstrained by any limits other than the principles of good faith and the dignity of the parties. Guatemala is vastly pleased at the indefinite extension of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, and at the fact that this was achieved through a truly historic decision, without a vote. Together with our satisfaction at the indefinite extension of the Treaty, we also feel pride, because Latin America is the least heavily armed region in the world and, thanks to the Treaty of Tlatelolco, is the only region that has become a nuclear- weapon-free zone forever. We regret the resumption of nuclear testing and therefore urge the adoption of new initiatives to forge a new world order that would eliminate nuclear weapons and in which security would be overseen by international institutions sustaining the force of law. That is why my delegation is among the sponsors of a draft resolution to be submitted to the General Assembly by States parties and signatories of the Treaty of Tlatelolco and the Treaty of Rarotonga. Guatemala has had the tragic and painful experience of the laying of mines by outlaw groups, and we vigorously condemn the use of mines and support all proposals intended to prohibit them. We note with satisfaction that the Middle East peace process is moving forward. Guatemala hopes that wisdom will prevail, which after so many decades of struggle and violence will make it possible for peace to reign forever in a land of such deep significance to three great religions. Guatemala is pleased that greater use is now being made of the International Court of Justice than ever before. We are pleased too at the wide geographical range of the cases before what can rightly be known as a World Court. Recalling the precedent-setting creation of a Central American international court, which is now being restored, my country will venture to propose the candidature of an experienced Guatemalan jurist for a seat on the International Court of Justice; we are convinced that he could make a most important contribution to the work of the Court. Following careful consideration of the items on the agenda of the World Summit for Social Development, Guatemala participated in that conference with the greatest interest and with high hopes; the Summit was addressed by President de León Carpio. We are convinced that unless the fundamental principle of universality is fully observed, our Organization will be unable fully to attain its purposes. We therefore urge consideration of the situation of the Republic of China in Taiwan so that this country may have a forum in which to discuss its future peacefully with its historical brethren. Fifty years after post-war statesmen conceived the plan for a world organization intended to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, poverty and ignorance, we must be optimistic in our assessment of the results, for they have saved the world from the irreparable harm of total conflagration. Although it is true that at times the cold war flared up in local armed conflicts encouraged by the rivalry between opposing super-Powers which at the time seemed irreconcilable, today we breathe a more tranquil atmosphere with respect to military security. But that atmosphere is less secure with respect to cooperation for development, because the rules of the economic order sometimes forget that economic weakness is not only an internal matter for States but is also a responsibility for those who have achieved a more than dignified standard of living and who have an obligation to transfer resources and technology for the sake of world-wide justice. We close with the well known phrase of His Holiness Pope John Paul II, which we invite members to ponder: “The new name for peace is development”.