France

May I first say, Sir, how pleased my country is at your election as President of the fifty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. I should also like to say to the Secretary-General that France welcomes the action he has already taken and assure him that he has our support and confidence. I shall begin my statement by expressing a conviction on behalf of my country: the world needs the United Nations more than ever. No, the United Nations did not lose its raison d'être with the end of the cold war, the end of the arms race between the two blocs and the head-on clash of differing ideologies. On the contrary, the need for a universal regulating body has never been so apparent. The reasons are known to all. Without regret, we left the era of bipolar confrontation to enter, in 1991, a new, global, evolving world in which 185 States cooperate, make alliances with one another or compete in stable or, conversely, unstable combinations. In this world, States are no longer the sole players. The giant conglomerates, the financial markets, the media, opinion groups and non-governmental organizations all play an increasing role. Because of this, there is an overriding need for clear, fair and predictable ground rules to establish a framework for settling conflicts or mere differences. For, nowadays, no serious problem can be resolved by one country, even the most powerful, entirely on its own. Unless we take care, unless we manage to build a world in which the rule of law prevails among all States, a world in equilibrium between its major centres of power, other scenarios will ensue: the absence of a counterweight will encourage the predominance of a single Power, and, inevitably, that Power will be tempted to engage in unilateralism; for want of organized regional entities, globalization will exacerbate the economic — and sometimes political — struggle of each against all; States will find themselves further weakened, and some will implode under the effects of aggressive nationalism, which is often contagious. Fierce competition will render virtually impossible environmental conservation, however urgent, however vital in the true meaning of the word, as well as the fight against drugs and crime; greater respect for human rights will be compromised. Our common task must be to forestall such dangers and, at the same time, to consolidate, together, the achievements of recent years. For this, regional groupings are one of the best possible foundations. Europe, which has been the crucible of so many wars, has been showing the way for half a century. The growth rates achieved by many countries in Asia, in Latin America and now in Africa, announce the emergence of new centres of power and prosperity. Political and economic entities are being organized and institutionalized: South-East Asia meets in the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN); in Latin America, the Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR) is developing, as are the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in southern Africa and the Economic Community of West African States 19 (ECOWAS) in the west of that continent. To some extent, one might also include cultural and political entities, such as the Commonwealth and la Francophonie. This is a sensible way to adapt to globalization. However, at the global level we need a coherent, effective United Nations with the resources necessary to carry out its missions. It is the task of this body to facilitate the smooth organization of international relations and to determine universally recognized rules of law. To be sure, other organizations exist in various sectors, and these have their own, very important areas of authority. But none of them can take the place of the United Nations in giving the world of tomorrow a set of comprehensive rules. True to its tradition, France will support all the Organization's efforts to that end. I come now to the main object of the session which is beginning. To carry out the major role we expect of it, the United Nations must retain or reacquire the means to take decisions and to act. For this, we must resolve two matters: United Nations reform and the financing of the Organization. The ability of the United Nations to act in the years ahead will depend on the solutions we find together. France approved of the move by the new Secretary- General at the outset of his mandate to continue the study initiated by his predecessor, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali. The main lines Mr. Kofi Annan has proposed for the work and the impetus he has given to the process of revamping the Organization have received France’s full support, a support shared by France’s partners in the European Union. The remarks made from this rostrum by its current President, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, illustrate this. I should like to comment more specifically on three points: the Security Council, financial reform and restructuring. The current composition of the Security Council no longer accurately reflects the political geography of today’s world. Clearly, it has to be reformed — that is to say, enlarged — to become more representative. In this connection, we must take into account the Security Council’s indispensable role in peacekeeping and thus elect countries able to contribute to this task, whether they are from the North or the South. Accordingly, my country is in favour of the accession of Germany, Japan and three countries from the South to permanent seats and the establishment of new non-permanent seats. For a Security Council composed solely of the principal countries of the North would not be representative. Nor should we forget that, once it is enlarged, and hence more representative, the Council will still have to be effective. That is essential. The proposals that have been submitted to us should make it possible to move forward. However, we are all aware that no consensus has yet been reached and that debates on this matter will be difficult. National interests and the concerns of regional groups must be given due consideration. In any event, I welcome President Razali’s perseverance throughout the fifty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly, which made it possible to draft a solid working basis from which we must now proceed to work to find a solution. Furthermore, financial reform of the United Nations is a particularly complex issue. It is shocking that the United Nations should be in a precarious state and therefore in a situation of financial and budgetary dependence with respect to its debtors. I believe that we will be able to move towards a solution on the basis of three principles: what is owed to the United Nations must be paid in full, on time and without conditions. Finally, the payment of contributions should not be a way of exerting pressure on the Secretary-General and the other Member States. With these rudimentary principles as a basis, France is open to discussion on all aspects of the problem. We will have to decide on the scale for apportioning assessments among all States. There is no perfect scale, but some are not as bad as others. The concept of each State’s ability to pay, which has enjoyed consensus since the outset, still seems simple, logical and fair today. On that basis, a solution can be found that takes account of the needs and interests of each State. France will do its utmost to facilitate the settlement of the financial crisis. We can be both imaginative and conciliatory — like the European Union’s plan. But our efforts will succeed only if there is respect for the rules I have just recalled, which reflect our Organization's impartiality and credibility. If the United Nations were forced to comply with the unilateral demands of one among us, in regard both to its financing and its functioning, then how could it convince anyone in the future that it is impartial and faithful to the principle of the equality of all under the Charter, and generate respect for its decisions? I come now to restructuring. The Secretary-General has undertaken to restructure and regroup the Organization’s institutions. France appreciates the logic of 20 this approach. It therefore welcomes the establishment in Vienna of a centre to deal specifically with combating new transnational dangers such as organized crime, drug trafficking and terrorism, problems that we must fight with ever-increased vigour. It is also very much in favour of integrating the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Centre for Human Rights into a single entity in Geneva where the main humanitarian aid services are already established. It also hopes that the main issues involving disarmament can continue to be addressed in Geneva. From this rostrum, I applaud the appointment of Mrs. Mary Robinson to the post of High Commissioner for Human Rights. Her very strong personality is commensurate with the challenges her task entails. The commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, starting on 10 December this year, will provide an opportunity to reaffirm, in the face of persistent violations and ever-recurring acts of barbarism, the universality of these rights. But we will also have to ask ourselves, in addition to making the usual declarations that are still necessary, what political and economic actions are needed to make real headway, in specific situations, towards respect for human rights, and how the emergence of democracies can be encouraged from outside. The United Nations, while adapting, must remain the preferred instrument for taking action in the interests of peace. At this time, the United Nations is really the only organization that can try to bring order to an international society which is becoming fragmented and globalized at the same time. The United Nations is faced with both a resurgence of every kind of micro-nationalism and the strengthening of regional entities. Most conflicts are now not between States but within them. Given these new challenges, the United Nations has already demonstrated how adaptable and flexible it is. But we must continue. To ensure the lasting settlement of conflicts, consciences have to be assuaged and justice needs to be done to put an end to the endless cycle of revenge. The perpetrators of the most serious crimes must be tried impartially, with respect for the rights of the defence, and after an exemplary investigation which reveals the facts in full. This is why France supports the action of the international criminal tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, and hopes that the forthcoming conference on an international criminal court will be a success. Since the beginning of the decade, the Organization’s actions to promote peace and international stability have changed radically. The time has passed when large-scale peacekeeping operations were mounted solely under the blue flag of the United Nations, in Cambodia and the former Yugoslavia for example, in order to take on massive challenges alone. Today, the United Nations intervenes more and more frequently in conjunction with other organizations or by authorizing the action of regional actors. In Europe, the United Nations is pooling its efforts with those of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in sensitive theatres of operation, and even with those of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. In Africa, for the first time, the Secretaries-General of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) have in the past year appointed a joint special representative in the person of Ambassador Sahnoun, in the Great Lakes region. It is good that these two organizations are working together. This development must be encouraged. We must also help African States and organizations to strengthen their own peacekeeping capabilities. To this end, countries outside the African continent must pool their efforts and not multiply the number of rival and sometimes redundant initiatives. For instance, the Government of France, the United Kingdom and the United States recently agreed to act together with all those who wish to do so to strengthen the peacekeeping capabilities of African countries, under the auspices of the United Nations, of course, and in cooperation with the OAU. But, in France's view, encouraging Africa to become more involved in resolving crises certainly does not mean that the international community should relinquish its other responsibilities with regard to the African continent. It is therefore essential that the United Nations be ready, once the declared conditions are met, to act in Congo- Brazzaville. By the same token, the many recent tragedies in the Great Lakes region make sustained international involvement indispensable. This United Nations commitment to promote peace and development must also serve to further human rights. That is why it is important for the humanitarian investigative task force in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to be able to carry out its mission. I might add that by spending too much time talking about crises in Africa, one might forget the essential point, namely that the African continent is taking off in quite an unprecedented way. My country believes in this. We are all still mobilized by the situation in the Middle East. The peace process, set in train on the initiative of clear-sighted and courageous men on both sides, raised tremendous hopes. We can clearly see the increasingly tragic consequences to which the current 21 stalemate would lead, were it to last. The peoples of this region are once again stuck in an impasse, in a situation of humiliation, resentment, and the fear of terrorism. New efforts are therefore necessary so that these two peoples, Israeli and Palestinian, which are matched in terms of insecurity and fear of the future, can together find justice and security. France gave its full support to the action by the American Secretary of State, who recently went to the Middle East. Indeed, the United States has a special responsibility and special means to attempt to reinvigorate the peace process and effectively combat the deadly acts of extremism. France and Europe are ready to take part in any constructive move to this end. What can the United Nations do? It cannot take the place of the parties concerned, which have the primary responsibility. It is up to the Organization to state, or restate, the law and to recall the principles which must be the basis for any peace if we want it to last. I refer here to the resolutions adopted by the Security Council on the conflict in the Middle East, not forgetting resolution 425 (1978), which deals with the integrity of Lebanon in particular. Many other crisis situations where the wounds have not healed could be mentioned from this rostrum — so diverse is the work of the United Nations. In particular, I am thinking of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where security has been restored but where the construction of a State with viable democratic institutions remains uncertain; and of Albania, where the new stability, thanks to resolute European action authorized by the United Nations, is giving rise to new hopes. I am also thinking of the tenacious efforts of the United Nations to contain or defuse the crises in Haiti, Cyprus, Georgia, Afghanistan, Tajikistan and elsewhere. Finally, let us not forget, now or ever, much-needed development assistance. Of course, the insertion of emerging economies, including the former underdeveloped economies, into the global economy is an excellent thing; indeed, past efforts in this regard have proved to be well founded. But this must not be a selfish excuse for the rich countries to give up their effort to provide development assistance, which is equally necessary. In any event, this is very much an imperative for the leaders of the member States of the Francophone community. The summit of these States in Hanoi in November will attest to their interest in more balanced development and also to their commitment to respecting the multiplicity of cultures and languages. I will say no more, however — other than to draw one single conclusion. While the world has changed so much over the past 50 years, and even more over the past six years, its inhabitants still voice the same needs. The rule of law must be continually consolidated and the democratic ideal put into practice, faced as we are with the temptations of oppression and the use of force, for which new pretexts are constantly being invoked. How can we be sure that the factors that make for war and chaos are banned for ever from all continents, including Europe? At this moment of our Organization's reform, let us not forget the lessons of history. Only international dialogue, the common management of crises, beginning with their prevention, and the wise conservation of the earth’s resources make it possible for the voice of reason and peace to prevail and for confidence in progress to be rebuilt. The United Nations is the right and the only legitimate forum for such international discussions, and the only one where they are universal. Our Organization is an irreplaceable framework and a vital necessity for us all. In the past, it has often been able to deter, address, resolve and prevent. Let us reform it so as to make it even more useful.