Ethiopia

I wish first of all to congratulate you, Sir, on your unanimous election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-second session. There is no doubt that your election to this high position is an acknowledgment of your personal competence and of the commitment of your country, Ukraine, to the United Nations and to the principles enshrined in its Charter. I also wish to pay tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Razali, who discharged his responsibilities with great wisdom and dedication. Our appreciation also goes to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the great efforts he is making to ensure the revitalization of the United Nations. In his report (A/51/950) to the Assembly entitled “Renewing the United Nations: A Programme for Reform”, the Secretary-General has proposed measures that Member States may take to democratize the United Nations and to enhance its effectiveness as an instrument with which to deal with the challenges facing us as we enter the twenty- first century. I wish to assure the Secretary-General of Ethiopia’s full support for his initiative. Ethiopia strongly believes that the reform and expansion of the Security Council, which is long overdue, is at the heart of the United Nations reform process. Broad consensus has been established that the reform and expansion of the Council must reflect the realities of the world we live in today. The African position on the issue was articulated at the thirty-third Summit of the Heads of State or Government of the member States of the Organization of African Unity, held in Harare in June this year. Ethiopia fully supports the African position. This annual occasion affords us the opportunity to reiterate our commitment to the United Nations, to what it represents and to all efforts designed to address our common challenges. For obvious reasons, some of the common dangers we have faced have receded. The cold war, which by common consensus represented a threat to the very survival of humanity, is more or less behind us. There should therefore be far greater opportunity today for effective international cooperation in many spheres, and especially for real and tangible steps towards the realization of genuine partnership in the fight against poverty and to enable those determined to remove the obstacles to their development to achieve their goals and fulfil the dreams and the hopes of their peoples. Peace and security can hardly be made durable and sustainable when conditions faced by the majority of 12 peoples in the developing countries generate hopelessness and when deprivations suffered today are made all the more painful because existing trends, instead of providing consolation, promise more of the same, or worse. There is no more appropriate time than now, when we are preparing to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, to renew our commitment and to rededicate ourselves to the realization of full respect of human rights in all their dimensions — civil, political, economic and social rights, including the right to development and to be free from the shackles of poverty. For Ethiopia, the eradication of poverty and the promotion of human rights are the cornerstones of the country’s development strategies and democratic reforms. In the immediate human rights programme, the Federal Parliament plans to establish, as stipulated in the Ethiopian Federal Constitution, a national human rights commission and an ombudsman early next year. I wish to take this opportunity to bring to the attention of this Assembly the fact that leading members of the repressive military regime that ruled Ethiopia in the 1970s and 1980s are being tried for war crimes and crimes against humanity. These public trials are the biggest since Nuremberg. However, Ethiopian courts have been denied the opportunity to bring to justice all the perpetrators of these crimes because many of those who should be tried in Ethiopia are given safe haven in other countries, in contravention of the provisions of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. We call on the States concerned to cooperate with Ethiopia and to take appropriate measures, in accordance with international humanitarian law, to ensure that those who are responsible for crimes against humanity are brought to justice. International cooperation and the benefits that are drawn from it, whether through bilateral or multilateral means, cannot be a substitute for what individual countries must do to ensure that sustainable development is achieved and economic growth is realized. The responsibility to extricate our countries from the miseries of poverty, in the case of those of us to whom this applies, lies with us. Aid alone, whatever its nature or quantity, would not do, even if it were to be made available. But it is critically important that the international economic environment evolve towards providing an even and level playing field, most particularly for those who, for various reasons — whether on account of their own mistakes or because of complex historical reasons, some of which are not of their own making — have stayed behind and have failed to put their countries on a track of sustainable development. In this regard, we cannot but admit that not enough is being done, although much is said and promised. The old divisions might have been consigned irrevocably to the past, but we cannot pretend that, though we continue to talk about our common humanity and the common village we occupy, the other divisions in the world are being addressed, let alone bridged. It would suffice just to look at the situation of poverty in the world today and the lukewarm effort to combat and to eradicate it internationally. The prediction that the level of poverty will continue to grow in Africa is a challenge to the international community, as it is a reflection of the dire condition of the continent. The need to ensure food security for all should by no means be an impossible task to achieve for the world we live in. Here as well, individual countries facing this problem have to assume their responsibility in the first instance, but the international community should also have a role to play, including in the fight against corruption — a disease which, as we all realize, has an international aspect in its grand dimension, and is therefore not amenable to solutions taken at the national level alone. We in Ethiopia have made important progress over the last few years in building the basis for food security for our peoples. But, as should be obvious, no guarantee can be secured on food security as long as production is totally dependent, as is the case in Ethiopia, on rain-fed agriculture and when for a variety of reasons the available water is not utilized for irrigation purposes. It is in this connection that the equitable utilization of transboundary rivers becomes an issue that should be accorded the utmost urgency. Regional cooperation on international rivers will remain impossible if calculations based on a zero-sum outcome favouring one side or another govern the attitude of parties that could otherwise objectively benefit from even-handed cooperation. With respect to the question of the Nile waters, which affects Ethiopia directly and regarding which there has been no effective cooperation among the riparians, we wish to call on those involved to commit themselves to real and genuine regional cooperation which is based on a win-win perspective, ensuring outcomes that are fair, equitable and just. A status quo which is unjust cannot endure; nor can it serve as a basis for building genuine cooperation. 13 We are fully aware that at the level of the United Nations, there have been a number of initiatives designed to help address the economic and social problems faced by developing countries and to mitigate the effects of poverty and the impact of those conditions hindering the realization of sustainable economic development. However, despite good intentions, their practical implementation has always been half-hearted and, at best, less than satisfactory and therefore a source of disappointment. This applies to the United Nations Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the 1990s, to the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s (UN-NADAF) and to other initiatives. It is our hope that the United Nations System-wide Special Initiative on Africa will not meet a similar fate. This should not be regarded as criticism aimed at the United Nations. The Organization has no life and no activity of its own independent of Member States. It is we Member States that have not sufficiently seized the opportunity opened up by the end of the cold-war division of the world and the international tension engendered by that state of affairs. Not only within the United Nations but in general, both in the bilateral and the multilateral areas, the international cooperation being made available to the developing world today is not commensurate with the challenges faced by those countries, nor does it do justice to the tremendous effort made by those countries, including many in Africa, to make their economies business-friendly. A growing number of countries on our continent, including my own country, Ethiopia, have taken decisive measures to liberalize their economies, to cut Government spending, to institute sound macroeconomic policies and to enhance the role of the private sector and civil society. Because of these serious efforts at belt-tightening and monetary and fiscal discipline, there have been some encouraging developments over the past four years with regard to economic growth in a number of African countries, including Ethiopia. In my own country, for the first time in more than two decades, the economy has begun to grow, with a growth rate of over 10 per cent in gross domestic product having been achieved in 1996. The average rate of growth over the past five years has been over 7 per cent. In the area of governance and democratization, there is little doubt that, despite some setbacks, we in Africa seem to have made substantial progress over the past seven or so years. These gains need to be consolidated and enriched at a pace that can realistically be sustained, in conformity with the principles of indigenous ownership. On the other hand, it would be stating the obvious to say that our economies have been slated to go on operating in an international economic environment that is hardly friendly to growth and sustainable development. The obstacles are diverse, and they are the same ones as we have been reiterating in gatherings such as this and whenever other opportunities have presented themselves. The challenges we face involve market opportunities for our commodities, and they are also related to protectionism, unfavourable terms of trade and the difficulty associated with attracting a sufficient level of foreign direct investment. But most of all the challenges we face involve issues related to the debt overhang and to debt-servicing obligations. If there is one major impediment to the development of countries such as Ethiopia, that impediment must be identified as the debt overhang, which continues to necessitate the diversion of so many resources from productive activities that could otherwise have accelerated growth and development. We cannot, of course, be oblivious to the many proposals for debt relief and to the number of positive, albeit inadequate, steps that have been taken in this regard. We recognize and appreciate the efforts made by the Group of 7, the latest being the steps taken and the promises made at the Lyon Summit and since most particularly the promise made in connection with debt- relief measures for the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt. But even then, we cannot ignore the irony and the paradox we encounter with respect to debt relief. More often than not, to qualify for some of these debt-relief measures countries are expected to fulfil and meet conditions that are not absorbable even by economies that are far more advanced. There is little doubt that one of the key prerequisites for sustainable economic development is ownership of one’s economic programme. However, the conditionalities that accompany debt- relief measures have been undermining ownership, thereby causing the loss of possibilities of adopting policies based on a realistic and appropriate assessment of local and specific conditions. Thus, those condemned to a huge debt overhang which has become unbearable are faced with a Hobson’s choice: debt relief with renunciation of ownership, or ownership with no relief. 14 What we need in this day and age are genuine partnership and international cooperation based at least on commitments to a level playing field and to conditions that do not require those in the developing world to face impossible choices. We are indeed hopeful that some of the latest initiatives that countries are in the process of taking bilaterally and the emerging trends encouraging renewed focus on Africa, such as the ministerial-level meeting of the Security Council convened last week, will help to increase the international community’s sensitivity to the development challenges of Africa. Genuine partnership is required to make sustainable development a reality in Africa. We hope that the Secretary-General next his report to the Security Council and the General Assembly next February, will forward concrete recommendations that would spare us a repetition of past disappointments. It may not always be appropriate to see an immediate causal link between poverty and lack of economic development, on the one hand, and conflict and lack of security, including terrorism, on the other. But there is little doubt that the despair, hopelessness and malaise engendered by poverty and economic and social difficulties provide the fuel for ensuring the degeneration into all-out fratricidal war of political frictions, whatever their sources, with consequent social breakdown and the implosion of societies. We have seen too many times that once societies have imploded and State institutions have disintegrated, picking up the pieces becomes extremely difficult and a nearly impossible task. Look at Somalia. But even so, Africa has made some progress. The nightmare in Liberia is over, thanks to the immense sacrifices made by the members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). New hope is also generated by the demise of the Mobutu regime and by the entry onto the scene of the Democratic Republic of Congo, whose Government and people need the support and the solidarity of the international community and of the United Nations. Despite some setbacks in Burundi, the countries of the region and the facilitator, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, continue to persevere in their efforts to help bring about a resolution of the conflict in that country. We are pleased and encouraged that the effort being made by Mr. James Baker in Western Sahara is showing some important progress, and we are hopeful that the day may not be too far off when it will be possible to hold a free and fair referendum in Western Sahara. I wish to associate myself with the Secretary- General in congratulating the parties to the conflict on the positive results they have achieved so far towards finding a durable solution to the conflict. In the same spirit, I would like to call on them to continue direct dialogue and to speed up the implementation of their agreements. With respect to the situation in the Middle East, we are profoundly disappointed with the increasing complications that the peace process has encountered. It is our ardent hope that the confidence which had emerged earlier will be rekindled and that the troubled region will find durable peace on the basis of justice for those to whom it has been denied and security for all. Apart from the conflict in southern Sudan, regarding which the member States of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) have continued to provide their assistance for the peaceful resolution of the problem and the reversals of the gains in Sierra Leone and the Comoros, the major conflict in Africa which has remained intractable is the one the people of Somalia are facing. Here too, important progress has been made and the opportunities for making a real breakthrough have been created which the Somalis can ill afford to squander. The framework for such a breakthrough has been made possible by the creation of the National Salvation Council, which is now preparing to hold a national reconciliation conference soon. We all recall how many resources were spent by the United Nations for peace in Somalia. Now, with a small fraction of the resources and the efforts deployed earlier by the United Nations, the international community can position itself to assist the realization of national reconciliation and peace in that war-torn country. The process of peacemaking in Somalia is at a very critical juncture. The international community and the United Nations should not keep their distance from the effort for peace in Somalia. The IGAD countries are determined to see to it that this process succeeds. The support of the Organization of African Unity and of our partners has been indispensable in this exercise, particularly in connection with the effort to ensure that those like Mr. Hussein Aideed are brought on board the peace process. It is our firm view that no one should be allowed to preempt and scuttle this process, and the unequivocal support of the United Nations for the ongoing peace process spearheaded by IGAD is indeed critical at this stage. 15 We all recall how the proliferation of initiatives for peace in Somalia created complications in the past and how, as a result, it was difficult for the international community to speak with one voice for peace in that country. There is today a much improved situation which, however, needs to be maintained and consolidated, for which close coordination between the United Nations, OAU and the IGAD countries is an absolute necessity. Since the countries of the region have been made by proximity to see no luxury in the continuing lack of central authority in that country, they have chosen to work on the basis of the maxim that a less than good Government is better than none at all in Somalia. The consequence of the absence of central authority in Somalia has been the growth of forces, including from outside the region, bent on ensuring that chaos is continued and even expanded in the country and in the region — all the more reason, therefore, for the United Nations and the international community to do more to help the countries of the region and IGAD succeed in the effort they are making for peace and national reconciliation in Somalia. In this regard, I wish to pay tribute to Secretary- General Kofi Annan for the steps he has taken to revitalize the United Nations role in Somalia and for the initiative he has taken to find ways of maximizing the support of the international community and of the United Nations for the ongoing peace process in Somalia. It is our hope that the steps that will be taken on the basis of the recommendations of the Secretary-General’s Envoy will ensure greater support of the international community for the IGAD peace initiative and bring about a more effective coordination between the external actors. We strongly believe that the Secretary-General’s proposed trust fund for Somalia will go a long way towards providing support to the peace process. In this connection, I wish also to mention the OAU/IGAD joint mission to Somalia scheduled to take place this month. The explicit aim of this joint mission is to make the Bossaso Reconciliation Conference comprehensive and all-inclusive by encouraging all parties to participate and to convey a clear and unequivocal message that no group has the veto power over peace in Somalia. Our subregion, the Horn of Africa, has been one of the regions of the world most affected by the consequences of war. The damage inflicted has been immense. Our region needs a respite and a peaceful period to make up for the lost time. Because it is a region in which deadly and prolonged wars were conducted, weapons are easily available and landmines strewn all over the place. In Ethiopia alone, it is estimated that there are over 1.5 million anti-personnel landmines, which continue to kill and maim innocent people, including women and children. In this connection, we attach great importance to the adoption by the recent Oslo Conference of the draft treaty on the ban on anti-personnel landmines. We appeal to those who remain outside the Ottawa process to sign the draft convention in December this year, so that it can be an effective instrument for getting rid of these deadly weapons. As a founding Member of the United Nations, Ethiopia has always been unreserved in fulfilling its commitment to the Organization and in upholding the principles of its Charter. My country has also been a beneficiary of various programmes of the United Nations system. Accordingly, the increasing effectiveness of the Organization in all areas and the realization of universal peace and security are goals we cherish deeply. I wish to conclude by expressing the hope that the United Nations and the international community will not miss the opportunities that have been created since the beginning of this decade for fostering effective international cooperation, eradicating poverty and realizing sustainable development in those regions of the world that have not yet achieved it.