Eritrea

Allow me at the outset, Sir, to congratulate you on your election as President of the fifty-second session of the General Assembly. Eritrea joins in the expressions of recognition of your attributes by previous speakers. You are presiding over an Assembly session that will be remembered for focusing not only on crucial international issues but also on the reform of our Organization. While wishing you success in your leadership, I also assure you of the full support and cooperation of the Eritrean delegation. I also seize this opportunity to pay tribute to the Permanent Representative of Malaysia, His Excellency Ambassador Razali Ismail, for the way he conducted the work of the fifty-first session, and to thank him for his far- sighted proposal on the reform of the Security Council. Likewise, I wish to extend sincere gratitude to the new Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the efficient and dynamic way he is discharging his duties. We are meeting at a critical juncture of history. After almost 50 years the dark and ominous clouds of world conflict no longer loom threateningly over the horizon. Those grim days are over. In the last few years we have taken great strides towards making the world safer for future generations. The road to disarmament has been made easier with the signing of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) by 146 world leaders in 1996. The world has also accelerated efforts to eliminate anti-personnel landmines. More importantly, there seem to be clear indications of a great change in values, attitudes and perceptions which will foster the creation of cooperative relationships among the States of the world, thus promoting new perspectives of common policies to solve mutual problems. True, we should, at the same time, remember that old and new conflicts continue to plague the world. Thus, destabilizing factors such as the marginalization of nations and peoples, transnational crimes, the use of violence and the threat of violence as instruments of national policy still haunt our planet. In addition, old and new conflicts in Europe, Asia and Africa seem to threaten or reverse the global gains achieved in the last few years. It is hoped that these will be the exceptions rather than the rule and, as relics of the past, will be swept away in the near future. In this respect, it is encouraging to note that the Security Council held, during the second week of the General Assembly, an unprecedented ministerial meeting on the security situation in Africa. This will encourage the United Nations to play a more meaningful and credible role in supporting regional initiatives to solve regional conflicts. Thus, perhaps for the first time, there is an opportunity to undertake a common, realistic and critical reappraisal of our involvement in world affairs and to come to an agreement on the role of the United Nations. The Members of the United Nations, both old and new, must welcome this opportunity to demonstrate their readiness to tackle these new global problems and the full intent of the contribution they can make to empower the United Nations to become a strong and relevant force in international relations. In recent years, there have been persistent requests for a change in the structure and mission of the United Nations. There is undoubtedly need for reform. The most obvious reason is the fact that today the Organization remains essentially the same entity that was created over 50 years ago in San Francisco. Its membership has more than tripled since then, with at least two dozen new States joining since 1990. Yet, its structure remains essentially the same. Also, the problems that face the world are so radically different that there is a dire need for the reorganization of priorities in the Organization’s mission. Although it is true that different States, or groups of States, will have different perceptions of what needs to be changed, the following are, in the opinion of my delegation, the most important issues that must be taken into consideration if change is to be meaningful and credible. First, there are only two major challenges confronting the world today: development and security. These are, of course, interdependent. It is evident that there will not be any development without peace. Yet, without development that improves the livelihood of people, the task of guaranteeing peace will be extremely difficult. The assaults on these two problems must be made simultaneously, and all of our actions should be 9 taken with an eye to solving both. Hitherto, emphasis has been on security to the detriment of development, with catastrophic results. Since the reason for this disparity, namely the cold war, no longer exists, it should not be too difficult to put a little more emphasis on development. Lately, however, there has been a growing emphasis on the political rather than the economic aspects of development — that is, on democracy and human rights. True, people everywhere are clamouring for the right to be free from dictatorships and to participate meaningfully in decisions which affect their lives, and they must be strongly supported in this. However, it must also be realized that the meaning of human rights and democracy is being challenged and questioned, and they are being given different interpretations. Whatever the case, any effort to apply standards of democracy and human rights, however defined, will not be successful unless the root causes of underdevelopment and poverty are effectively addressed. Any reform of the United Nations should, therefore, empower it to promote sustained economic growth in developing countries even more energetically. Only this will help to develop good governance, that is, democracy and human rights and stability, and will militate against inter- and intra-State conflicts. Secondly, the United Nations belongs to all of its Members. Thus, the increased participation of all of its Members in its activities is a right that must be exercised to safeguard against the arbitrary abuse of its powers and functions. Such a development would enhance immeasurably its effectiveness as a guarantor of peace. It is hardly possible to speak sincerely of a universal organization whose major decisions, taken by a few, will be binding upon the rest of the world. It is no longer acceptable to the rest of the world that a relatively small number of States, even after the proposed increase of membership in its major decision-making organs, should, in the name of international peace and security, dictate the agenda of the United Nations or impose a system of international conduct. Indeed, it is sad to note that the same countries that make democracy a condition in their foreign policies are adamant about maintaining an elite club of States in the consideration of Security Council membership. In any case, any future system must eschew cold-war doctrines and principles and give equal emphasis to social justice. Peace and justice are interrelated and cannot be mutually exclusive. There is thus no longer any excuse to deny equitable representation in the major organs of the Organization and undemocratically to deprive States of the opportunity to participate in the making of decisions which will affect their destinies and the welfare of their peoples. The United Nations will be in danger of being marginalized if it does not take into account the needs and aspirations of most of its Members and does not build trust between its Members, big and small, rich and poor, weak and strong. It can build such trust and mutual confidence only if it makes sure that democratic norms and principles are accepted and practised by all its Members. Thirdly, this is the age of decentralization. Whenever possible, therefore, the United Nations must create the appropriate modalities to enable regional organizations to assume tasks which they will be able to execute more effectively. To this end, the General Assembly must take the necessary steps to ensure a relevant role for regional and even subregional organizations, without losing its leadership role or eliminating its support. Fourthly, the urgency of reform is recognized, but it would be counterproductive to rush into decisions whose implications we shall live to regret. Those who resent the veto power of the five permanent members of the Security Council would be well advised to take the time, and to allow others to take the necessary time, to study issues before they make final decisions on such weighty matters. Since its independence in 1993, Eritrea has embarked on a course of nation-building, reconstruction and renewal. In this endeavour, we were inspired by the eternal ideas of our struggle, which enshrines justice, equity, human rights and equal opportunity to all, including, in particular, hitherto marginalized groups. In the last six years — for we liberated our country two years prior to our declaration of formal independence — we have taken the necessary measures to establish a regime of peace and marked stability in a region of the world in which they have been absent for several decades; consolidate our profoundly democratic tradition of struggle by adopting a new constitution and holding our first democratic regional elections; create a development-oriented State and government structure; ensure a corruption-free society; build schools and health facilities in most regions of our country; and formulate an economic and financial policy which fosters an environment that encourages investment and has thus made our country a new frontier of widely expanding opportunities. These policies have yielded good political, economic and social dividends that have enabled us to look to the future with hope and optimism. 10 In our foreign relations, we have been guided by two basic principles. The first is our deep conviction that, where there is goodwill, all can be resolved through peaceful negotiation without recourse to violence. A natural corollary of this belief is the firm conviction that all States, regardless of their ideological orientation, can live together in peace. This tenet underlies Eritrean foreign policy and has guided its relations with all the countries of the two regions — the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa — in which it is located. This has enabled it to establish an exemplary, close tie of friendship with Ethiopia, our erstwhile adversary. These close relations and friendship have widely manifested themselves over the last four years as we have coordinated activities in the political, economic and social fields. It has also helped us to defuse conflict and to arrive at a mutual agreement to resolve the conflict between us and the Republic of Yemen over the Eritrean Hanish-Zukar archipelago on the Red Sea by the peaceful means of arbitration. The State of Eritrea has time and again affirmed its adherence to the Agreement of principles of 21 May 1996 and expressed its commitment to abide by the decisions of the Arbitration Tribunal. Since both parties have committed themselves to abide by the decision of the Arbitration Tribunal, my Government feels that the dispute is already solved. Unfortunately, even the best of goodwill and intentions could not help avert bad relations with our other neighbour, the Sudan, which is bent on conducting a bad-neighbour policy, is at odds with almost all of its neighbours and with others beyond, and has, because of its avowed policy of exporting terrorism abroad, become an international pariah. The second pillar of Eritrean foreign policy is an unswerving devotion to justice and equity. This policy emanates from Eritrea’s subjection to the horrors of aggression and colonization at the height of the cold war. At that time, our pleas to the United Nations and the international community fell on deaf ears. Because of this, we are convinced that there are no substitutes for justice and equality for the purpose of ensuring the maintenance of peace in the world. These, too, have influenced our search for friendship and cooperation with our neighbours as well as with other States. They have also underlined our efforts to bring peace and stability to our region and to achieve an early end to the fratricidal conflict in Somalia, a just and fair resolution of the Sudanese conflict, and the development of economic, commercial and political relations among countries of the region. The conflict that has ravaged the Sudan for about two decades must be brought to an end. The absence of peace in the Sudan has had severe consequences for most of its neighbours. Thus, they have a substantial interest in the restoration of lasting peace, security and stability in the Sudan. To this end, those of its neighbours which are members of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) have, both collectively and individually, exerted much effort during the past seven years to promote an inter-Sudanese peace process. None of the members of IGAD has an interest other than ushering in peace in the Sudan. All have favoured and encouraged dialogue, compromise and tolerance. They were convinced that peace could be achieved on the basis of the Declaration of Principles formulated by IGAD after a serious assessment of the objective reality prevailing in the country. It is regrettable that until last month the Sudanese regime had done all it could to subvert the peace process it had willingly accepted. It has now accepted the Declaration of Principles. We hope it will respect its commitment and implement the provisions of that Declaration. If and when it does, it will bring our initiative to a successful conclusion and usher in peace and stability in the Sudan. I also wish to refer to the efforts made by IGAD concerning the tragic situation which still exists in Somalia. It will be recalled that the members of IGAD have both collectively and individually expressed deep concern that this grave situation has continued for many years and that no workable solution has yet been found. Many attempts to bring the concerned parties to the negotiating table have failed. Where they have succeeded, no agreement could be achieved. Where agreements have been reached, they have been broken soon after. In the global context, my country is fully convinced that international cooperation is of vital importance. To ensure sustainable development, Eritrea has been engaged in fostering regional integration and international cooperation because it is firmly aware of the importance of partnership in development. Eritrea believes that partnership can be ensured only when independence of choice and recognition of equality and mutuality exist. We in Eritrea are convinced that the world will benefit from a strong, purposeful and dynamic United Nations. We will therefore contribute, however modestly, to the creation of the conditions necessary to make it a real force which will ensure international peace and 11 security that is broadly defined and premised on development. We note with great interest and welcome the Secretary-General’s proposals for reform. We are studying them with care. We fully endorse the values and principles underlying the objectives of reform, as enunciated in the Secretary-General’s address to the current Assembly, particularly his reference to the new paradigms of cooperation. Today, I assure the General Assembly of our commitment to the United Nations and to its new principles and purposes and its vision of a new world, as well as its sincere commitment to promoting genuine peace and development and defending the cause of small, weak States and vulnerable peoples. One would think that a nation like Eritrea — which had been systematically betrayed by the United Nations during the past four decades — would have second thoughts about committing itself to the Organization. However, we always believed that there was nothing wrong with the message of the United Nations, and we had subscribed to it even in our days of struggle. Surely we cannot blame the message for the shortsightedness of the messengers. We urge others who share our feelings to join us in giving the Organization the wholehearted support it now deserves and needs if it is going to be as effective as we wish it to be.