Permit me, on behalf of the Uganda delegation, to express our pleasure at seeing Mr. Udovenko preside over the General Assembly at its fifty- second session. Allow me also to pay a special tribute to his predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia, for the outstanding manner in which he discharged his onerous tasks while presiding over the work of the General Assembly at its fifty-first session. I also salute and congratulate Mr. Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for the commitment and dedication he has demonstrated since he assumed this office. We note the initiative announced by the Secretary- General on 16 July 1997, entitled “Renewing the United Nations: A Programme for Reform”. We will participate actively in the deliberations on these bold and far- reaching proposals. The discussions we shall have on the issues contained in the Secretary-General’s proposal will determine the kind of United Nations that can best serve us in the twenty-first century. The issue of the reform of the United Nations is not new. Reform of this Organization has always been a continuous process in which we all have an interest. We all want to see the United Nations revitalized, strengthened and well managed. The United Nations is unique. The reform of the Organization must be approached from the viewpoint of its purposes. In reforming the United Nations, due consideration must be given to its unequal and diverse membership, encompassing different cultures and value systems as well as great economic and social inequalities, which lead to differences of opinion on the different aspects of the work of the Organization and how they might be strengthened. Indeed, most views expressed in the past on reform have come against the background of widespread scepticism. These views see the United Nations as excessively costly, mismanaged, inefficient, bureaucratic, corrupt and overstaffed with low- quality staff. The United Nations, therefore, finds itself at a critical crossroads: neglected in some critical aspects and deliberately eroded in others. Contradictory assessments of its performance and usefulness and divergent views concerning its future role have given rise to political controversy. The important issues of reform must therefore not be viewed merely as a question of cutting costs; rather, reform should aim at the enhancement of the efficiency and effectiveness of the United Nations in the delivery of programmes and services, particularly those addressing the pressing needs of developing countries. In elaborating and implementing the reform package, it is necessary that the programmes that benefit the least developed countries and Africa emerge stronger and better equipped to discharge their onerous responsibilities. The Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) has already eloquently espoused the African position on the reform of the Security Council. We support this and the Non-Aligned Movement positions. The Security Council should be expanded in both categories on the principle of equitable geographical representation. Africa has already proposed that it be granted two permanent seats with full veto powers. At the 25 same time, the exercise of the power must conform to democratic principles. If the United Nations is to be reformed and made effective, then adequate financing is a matter of top priority. We therefore appeal to all Member States to pay their dues in full, on time and without conditions. Without this commitment, reforms will only be a smoke screen to hide our reluctance to implement the commitments we collectively agreed upon at the celebration to mark the fiftieth anniversary of this Organization two years ago. Related to this is the question of the scale of assessments. Uganda supports the principle of capacity to pay as the fundamental criterion for the apportionment of the expenses of the United Nations. This is critical in order to redress the unfair burden that developing countries in general and the least developed countries in particular continue to shoulder as a result of imperfections inherent in the present scale methodology, which are to their disadvantage. This principle has been consistently reaffirmed by the General Assembly in various resolutions. In this connection, we would like to caution that attempts to impose self-interested positions will not yield any satisfactory outcome. Uganda welcomes the result of the recently concluded agreement in the area of anti-personnel landmines in Oslo. We are particularly satisfied with the progress thus far made on these weapons. On our part, even before the conclusion of the Oslo agreement on these weapons, which cause untold and indiscriminate destruction, we in Uganda had already stopped and dismantled our facilities for their manufacture. We no longer manufacture, import or use these weapons. We call on all peace-loving nations, those that care for the innocent who lose their limbs every minute to landmines, to follow our example. It is our sincere hope that when the agreement on anti-personnel landmines will be opened in Ottawa, Canada, for signature, even those Member States that were reluctant to join in the consensus on the agreement will sign it. We hope that the Oslo process will lead to progress in disarmament negotiations, leading to the complete elimination of nuclear weapons and subsequently of all weapons of mass destruction. The political and economic situation in African remains a matter of grave concern to us. We believe that Africa must continue to search for and to find the most suitable political arrangements that will guarantee peace and stability. African society, since time immemorial, has always emphasized harmony and decision-making by consensus rather than competition and confrontation. Our societies emphasized the good of the whole rather than the untamed pursuit of selfish interests. In short, egalitarianism and equal participation were the hallmarks of societal and political organization. However, as we all know, Africa was exposed to other cultures and systems that introduced new forms of governance and politics. It is not surprising, therefore, that, upon independence, these powerful and pervasive influences, like multiparty politics and fierce competition, tore our societies apart. The conflicts that proliferated in the wake of independence must be understood against this background. We can state boldly today that, this notwithstanding, conflict and chaos in Africa is on the retreat. We have witnessed the end of conflict in Liberia and elections have taken place. Military dictators are now roundly condemned and isolated. The actions that are being undertaken by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) against the military junta in Sierra Leone — actions that we all support — speak loud. In our own region, the Great Lakes region, we witnessed the rout of the Mobutu dictatorship, a heinous regime that plundered one of the richest countries in Africa almost into oblivion. We refused to accept the military coup of Pierre Buyoya in Burundi and have set out tough sanctions and conditions for the restoration of democratic governance. This position was recently renewed in Dar-es-Salaam. The efforts that we are undertaking, deserve support, be they in the context of the OAU Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Resolution and Management or of regional initiatives such as those involving the Great Lakes, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) or those of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development on the Sudan conflict. At the same time, countries that have emerged from conflicts need to be given a modicum of moral and material support to allow them get back on their feet. We are all agreed on the need for post-conflict peace-building and the need to establish a continuum from relief to rehabilitation and development. We are also agreed that democracy, good governance and accountability represent the best form of leadership. However, nations that are struggling to reconstruct cannot wait for a full restoration of democratic order before they address urgent humanitarian and relief requirements. Quite often the very transition to the rule of law and to democratic governance is contingent upon significant progress on the humanitarian and economic 26 fronts. It is with these kind of considerations that we would like to see tangible assistance extended to the Democratic Republic of the Congo without delay or preconditions. We must put behind us the chaos that afflicted that country and the sad chapter in the history of the Congo that was brought about by Mobutu’s mismanagement. The survival of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is paramount and should be of concern to all of us. The experience of the United Nations in Somalia and Rwanda has demonstrated the need for improvement in the Organization’s ability to anticipate crisis situations and put in place effective mechanisms to avert such situations, including in the area of early warning. In this connection, we note with satisfaction the strengthening of the United Nations capacity for post-conflict peace-building with the designation of the Department of Political Affairs as focal point for this purpose. We are seized of the grave situation in Congo (Brazzaville) and the Central African Republic. The unsteady progress on a negotiated settlement of the conflicts in Angola, Somalia, southern Sudan and the Western Sahara continue be of concern to us. We call on all the parties to the conflicts to engage in constructive dialogue in order to establish lasting peace. We should all support them in this process. In Uganda, we continue to search for solutions to our economic difficulties. We have therefore continued to implement far-reaching economic reforms that emphasize liberalization, privatization, investment promotion and cost- effectiveness in management. The results are promising, and we have recorded gross domestic product growth rates of more than 6 per cent per annum. Now we are grappling with the need to ensure that economic progress benefits the people, particularly the poorest. This we will address in the framework of a poverty eradication strategy, the pillars of which will include: first, the improvement of physical infrastructure, such as roads and telecommunications; secondly, the universalizing of primary education and the increasing encouragement of private education at the secondary and tertiary levels to unlock the creative power of our population; thirdly, the modernization and diversification of agriculture; and fourthly, the promotion of micro- and small-scale enterprise through improved access to credit for the rural poor. This is a tall order, and we call upon our development partners to support us in this process in the context of the already formulated national action plans and the agreed framework for international development cooperation. The issue of the world’s freshwater resources remains of the utmost concern to my delegation. Water shortages in the next century are likely to restrain economic and social development. A large part of Uganda is covered by fresh water. In Uganda, we attach importance to the economic value of water, and that is why we recognize the importance of its equitable and reasonable use. Unfortunately, our water resources are being choked by the rapid growth and spread of the water hyacinth on Lake Victoria and on other lakes and rivers in the Nile Valley. As we have done in the past, we urgently appeal once again to the international community to extend its support to enable us to address the problem of the water hyacinth. Let me reiterate our confidence in the mission of the United Nations in coordinating and delivering targeted assistance to developing countries in all areas of human endeavour, in partnership with Governments. It is important, therefore, to ensure that the focus of the Organization is sharpened to enhance the relevance and effectiveness of its programmes, be it in the area of governance, poverty eradication, capacity-building or humanitarian assistance. We need a United Nations that will act as an agent of progress and change and that will be equipped to play an effective and leading role in improving the economic and social conditions of all the world’s nations — not just a few. We also want a reformed United Nations that will deal effectively with the growing number of complex international challenges, including development, peace and security. Furthermore, we need a reformed United Nations that must provide global leadership and vision in the twenty-first century.