I would like to join the distinguished speakers who preceded me on this rostrum in paying solemn tribute to the memory of the late Secretary-General and to the devoted officials of the United Nations who met an untimely and tragic death in Africa while serving on a vital peace-restoring mission.
107. The President of the Somali Republic sent messages expressing the condolences of the Somali Government and people as soon as he learned of this sad event. I want to take this opportunity to express our condolences to the United Nations, to the Government of Sweden, and to the family of Dag Hammarskjold for this irreparable loss. We wish also to extend our sympathy and condolences to the Governments and to the families of the officials who died with the Secretary-General.
108. The loyalty with which the late Secretary-General served the United Nations and its noble ideals is a shining example of selfless and wholehearted dedication to this body and to the cause of peace, and it will not be forgotten by mankind. I feel confident that the ideals for which he strove so faithfully, energetically and diligently will one day triumph.
109. It gives us great pleasure to congratulate Mr. Slim upon his election to the office of President. His long experience at the United Nations is well known to my delegation and I am sure that all here who have known him for many years will add affection to their respect. He is a well known and highly respected figure at the United Nations and needs no praise in the Assembly. My country congratulates its sister African Republic of Tunisia for the honour bestowed on one of its most valiant sons. Therefore, I wish to express the sincere hope that God may inspire the President in the fulfilment of his difficult task.
110. For fifteen years the cold war has bedevilled international issues. It has been an almost insuperable impediment to world stability and, one may add, to the economic progress of the whole world.
111. Today the peace of the world is under a greater threat than it has been at any time since the end of the Second World War. The principal cause is the armaments race among the great Powers.
112. The people of the world desire peace and are vitally concerned with the armaments race because it galvanizes mankind's attention and reflects the fear of war. The last world conflict caused incalculable loss and misery to humanity* Yet today the great Powers are piling up thousands of tons of destructive weapons in their arsenals.
113. It is most deplorable that astronomical sums of money and inestimable amounts of human energy
should be spent on the manufacture of such diabolic weapons instead of on humane measures and on social services such as the abolition of hunger, illiteracy, disease and other manifestations of economic poverty in the less developed countries of the world.
114. The current session of the General Assembly of the United Nations will again examine the perennial problem of disarmament. I hope that the General Assembly, and particularly the great Powers concerned, will realize the consequences of the threat to world security which the armaments race imposes, and that they will strive to find a solution.
115. The recent resumption of nuclear tests by some great Powers has shocked the world., These tests have shattered the hopes of millions of peace-loving peoples and they should be strongly condemned because they only increase world tension.
116. The French Government has persisted in carrying out nuclear tests in Africa in complete disregard of the wishes of, and contrary to the demands made by, the people of that continent not to use their soil 81S £t testing ground. The matter has already been raised before several international conferences, and resolutions urging the cessation of these tests were passed. We strongly condemn these French actions, as they are in flagrant disregard and defiance of these resolutions.
117. It is imperative that measures be speedily taken to ban all nuclear tests if world peace and the physical integrity of mankind are to be preserved. We therefore urge the Powers concerned to reconsider their decisions to resume the testing of nuclear weapons, because they affect the lives of millions of people throughout the world. I am confident that an agreement banning the testing of nuclear weapons will soon be reached.
118. We. know that there is no effective defence against intercontinental nuclear missiles and that a nuclear war would be devastating. We are also conscious of the danger that can be caused to present and future generations by the effect of radiation. Knowing therefore the havoc and destruction that can be wrought by nuclear warfare, we consider it essential that constant efforts be made towards the conclusion of a convention banning the use of nuclear weapons.
119. Since the end of the last world war there has been a series of major crises in different parts of the world--in Korea, Algeria, Laos, Angola, the Congo and elsewhere. Today we are faced with an even more highly critical situation in Berlin.
120. The possibilities of an uncalculated and explosive incident in Berlin increase daily. Since the results of a major conflict over Berlin could be disastrous to all mankind, it is essential that we give this matter our most careful and unbiased consideration in our deliberations and that we unanimously agree to urge both sides to continue their efforts to reach a settlement by means of peaceful negotiations. It is my belief that a permanent solution to the Berlin situation can be found if the German people are permitted to exercise their fundamental right of self-determination.
121. The existence of military bases in foreign countries adds to world tension and is a factor in the cold war. The evacuation of these military bases would certainly lessen world tension.
122. Deeply concerned about the deterioration in the world situation, Somalia and* the other non-aligned countries that participated in the recent conference held at Belgrade have sent an appeal through their emissaries to the President of the United States of America and to the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union. The need that prompted this appeal still obtains. Our responsibility towards humanity impels us to urge these two statesmen to consider how their actions affect the entire world. We urge them once more to meet and seek an early settlement of those problems which are causing world-wide anxiety.
123. Government leaders have often expressed their desire for peaceful coexistence among nations with different political and social institutions. It is desirable that we recognize the legitimacy of these differences and that we agree to respect the wishes of all other nations to follow the political, economic and social systems which they have chosen. To achieve peaceful coexistence, all nations must refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of other States.
124. The question of unwarranted intervention in the internal affairs of other States deserves our consideration at this meeting. Such intervention is regrettable and is an additional source of international tension, as was observed in the Congo crisis and in other similarly serious situations. Had the Congolese people been allowed to settle their own national affairs with only the assistance of the United Nations, the wanton destruction of lives and property, the disruption of normal public activities and the present grave constitutional, administrative and economic problems prevailing there might have been averted.
125. The vast sums of money and the energy devoted to repair the chaos created by external interference in Congolese internal affairs could very well have been devoted to much more fruitful and beneficial enterprises. I sincerely hope that everything possible will be done to prevent such unwarranted intervention in the internal affairs of other countries.
126. While on this subject, may I point out that it would be most unfortunate and inequitable if the legitimate territorial claims of a State were to be interpreted as unwarranted intervention and were disapproved of on that ground. It would likewise be a gross injustice to regard any support granted to colonial peoples struggling for self-determination as unwarranted interference.
127. Colonialism constitutes not only an alarming and persistent source of local conflict, but also & direct threat to world peace and security. The attention which has been given to the problems of colonialism has brought about a certain measure of common understanding, for it has been, recognized that colonialism must be considered first and foremost from the point of view of human dignity, world security and peace.
128. I believe that, quite apart from the threat to international peace which it represents,, colonialism is one of the evils that mankind not only abhors but is determined to eliminate once and for all. In this regard, it should be added that this was the aim and hope of the resolution [1514 (XV)] which the General Assembly adopted at its fifteenth session, a resolution which condemned colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. Again, in Belgrade the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries not only endorsed the United Nations resolution on colonialism but also went further by calling for the immediate granting of independence to peoples under colonial rule. But Respite these resolutions calling for the liquidation of colonialism, millions of people, particularly in the African continent, are still oppressed and ruled by alien minorities.
129. The valiant Algerian people, as all know, has been carrying on a heroic struggle for independence for the past seven years. We hope that their efforts will be crowned with success and that they will soon realize all their national aspirations, without any diminution of their territorial integrity. We have consistently supported the Algerian cause and solemnly declare our intention to continue doing so until the Algerian people attain their final goal and occupy their rightful place in the community of nations.
130. I wish to inform the Assembly on this occasion that my Government has recently decided to extend official recognition to the provisional government of the Algerian Republic as the sole and legitimate Government of that African sister nation.
131. The African people's struggle for independence in Angola has been frustrated by 'the Portuguese Government with brutal reprisals, reprisals which involve the indiscriminate massacre of thousands of Africans, irrespective of sex or age. The argument that Goa, Mozambique, Angola and so-called "Portuguese Guinea" form an integral part of Portugal is a legal fiction too absurd to merit any serious consideration.
132. The plight of the African people in South Africa, South West Africa, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Rwanda-Urundi and other African territories, who are also the victims of oppression by alien minorities, likewise deserves our profound sympathy and attention. The life of misery and injustice to which millions of Africans, particularly in South Africa and South West Africa, have been subjected by an alien minority presents an explosive situation which may plunge the whole of the African continent into a disastrous conflict.
133. The Assembly should strongly condemn the high-handed action of the Government of South Africa. That Government has hindered all attempts by the United Nations to supervise the administration of the Mandated Territory of South West Africa, and it has suppressed the desire of the people for justice, freedom and independence.
134. A federal system of government with a legislature and an executive composed of European immigrants is being imposed on the Africans who constitute the vast majority of the population in the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. The Africans there are determined to oppose the unjust rule of these fascist elements who have the same racial outlook as the rulers of South Africa. The earnest desire of the Africans of the Federation is to obtain justice and independence.
135. A tense situation prevails in Northern Rhodesia, where a number of Africans were recently brutally massacred. In Southern Rhodesia, Africans are faced with a life of frustration and are denied their fundamental rights. Let us consider how we can best support these Africans and protect them from meeting the deplorable fate of those in South Africa.
136. We heartily rejoice in the fact that Tanganyika - to attain its independence this year, but we regret
that we cannot express similar pleasure in regard to the constitutional situation in the neighbouring East African territories of Kenya and Uganda. Recent developments in these territories have aroused some optimism regarding their constitutional future, however, and it is our fervent hope that both Kenya and Uganda will soon attain their independence.
137. We ask therefore that the right of self-determination be granted to all peoples of Africa and elsewhere, so that they may freely choose the kind of social and political institutions that suit them.
138. I should like to draw your attention to the tendency by many of us to regard colonialism solely as the domination by a European nation over African, or Asian territories and to remain aloof and mute when we see a people of one race dominated by an alien people of the same race or colour. Such a stats of affairs obtains in the continents, of Africa, Asia and Europe, h would be advisable for us to study closely all such disparities and to request friendly States to use their good offices to persuade the parties in these situations to reach amicable settlements, since these divergences of which may seem o5 secondary importance today, may in the near future develop into matters of primary importance.
139. As I stated earlier, colonialism can assume a variety of forms and manifestations, and the consequences of colonialism have left many problems unresolved in the African continent. Today, the Somali people are suffering from these problems and in particular from the "scramble for Africa", in the nineteenth century. It was at that time that the European colonial Powers, in their penetration of Northeast Africa, divided the Somalis into several political
' entities. We regret to say that a neighbouring African State participated in this scramble.
140. The dismemberment of the Somali territory is a matter of vital concern to Somalis wherever they may reside. The Somalis are ethnically and culturally homogeneous and possess a common tradition, religion and language. It is therefore only natural that they should desire to be united and that the artificial boundaries arbitrarily imposed by the imperialist Powers on the Somalis be removed as soon as possible.
141. The Somali Government and the Somali people want the unification of Somalia in a single national entity to be obtained by peaceful and legal means. So far, we have been able to achieve the reunification of the former Trust Territory of Somalia and the former Somaliland Protectorate, and we hope that the rest of our territories will be restored to us soon by peaceful negotiations.
142. One portion of Somali territory still under the yoke of foreign rule is French Somaliland. French Somaliland, together with Algeria, represents the last barricade of French colonialism in the African continent. In order to suppress the national aspirations of the Somalis there, the French imperialists have employed excessively harsh measures, including large-scale arrests and intimidation. France's tyrannical policy has caused many of the inhabitants to seek asylum in the territory of our Republic and elsewhere. The absurd results of the referendum held in French Somaliland in 1958 are ample proof of the hypocrisy of the/French colonialists. The
inhumane measures taken by the French authorities to eradicate Somali nationalism have been intensified since the attainment of our independence.
143. I want to turn to another portion of Somali territory under foreign rule. During the process of colonial expansion and the consequent dismemberment of our country, Ethiopia seized the opportunity to absorb a large portion of Somali territory. The Somalis who inhabit this territory have repeatedly voiced their desire to join their brothers in the Somali Republic.
144. Still another section of Somali territory lost to foreign jurisdiction is today considered a part of Kenya.
145. The dismemberment of Somali territory by foreign Powers has produced serious tensions. It is likely to endanger the peace and stability of the Horn of Africa. The just and legitimate aspirations of the Somalis for national unity, therefore, should be given prompt and serious consideration. We are convinced that the one and only solution lies in the granting of the right to self-determination of the Somalis still under foreign rule, this right to self-determination to be expressed through some form of plebiscite conducted under the supervision of an impartial body.
146. In 1950, Somalia was placed under the United Nations Trusteeship System and Italy was appointed as the Administering Authority. Since the boundary between Somalia and Ethiopia was not then defined, Italy accepted with reservations the provisional administrative line, arbitrarily drawn by Ethiopia and Great Britain without the knowledge or consent of the Somali people directly concerned.
147. Throughout the Italian administration, the Somalis urged an early solution of the boundary problem. In response to our appeals the United Nations on several occasions recommended that both Ethiopia and Italy should intensify their efforts to achieve a just, equitable and final settlement of the boundary question.
148. Despite these recommendations, the problem remains unresolved. We are profoundly concerned about the absence of a defined boundary. Our apprehensions can be better appreciated if you take into consideration the fact that the provisional administrative line extends for approximately one thousand kilometres.
149. The situation is aggravated further by frequent Ethiopian troop movements along the provisional administrative line us well as by the continual entry of Ethiopian armed forces into our territory and by violations of our air-space by Ethiopian military planes.
150. Our very existence as a sovereign State has been repeatedly endangered by this unresolved boundary problem. Time does not permit me to elaborate on all the difficulties we have experienced during the first year of our independence. The world Organization is morally obliged to seek a speedy solution to this serious problem which we have unfortunately inherited from our period as a Trust Territory.
151. Another serious problem which the Somali Republic faces derives from the transfer of parts of the Somali territory known as the "Reserved Area" and the Haud by the United Kingdom to Ethiopia in
the Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty of November 1954. These regions, which are inhabited exclusively by Somalis, are the main grazing areas for the Somalis who inhabit adjacent regions.
152. The restrictions which were imposed by Ethiopian authorities on the free movement of Somalis residing in the area and the denial of access to vital water supplies to Somalis were the main causes of the serious incident of Danot in which many Somalis, including women and children, were brutally massacred by the Ethiopian armed forces. Other serious incidents in which many Somalis lost their lives and property under similar circumstances occurred at Aishaa, Beyu Anod and Dagahbur.
153. These and similar incidents convince us that Somalis inhabiting Ethiopian-held territories are systematically persecuted. Although such frequent brutalities occur outside who present territorial limits of the Somali Republic, we can remain neither silent nor indifferent to the plight of our Somali brothers who lack security and protection for their lives and property.
154. Particular attention must be paid, I think, to the despicable policy of apartheid as practised by the Government of South Africa and to other forms of racial discrimination which negate the fundamental principles of human rights and dignity.
155. This problem, which concerns millions of Africans all over the continent, represents a discouraging avid frustrating feature in the African people's struggle for progress, well-being and human dignity. In addition, apartheid constitutes a threat to international peace and security. It is, therefore, a problem not' only for Africans but also for the international community.
156. The fundamental rights of all men are clearly stated in the Charter of the United Nations. They were made an integral part of the Charter in order to advance and safeguard man's heritage of liberty, freedom and human rights. This implies that no nation, no race, can be expected to progress when, as in some parts of Africa today, its people are
governed by a minority of immigrants who deprive the vast majority of their legitimate rights to political, social and economic advancement and security.
157. South Africa's policy of apartheid has subjected millions of Africans to indescribable humiliation; and by depriving Africans of the right to vote, to acquire immovable property, to receive all forms of higher education, and to hold any position of importance in any sphere, it has reduced the inhabitants to a status of serfdom. .These actions are an affront to humanity and an insult to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which represents the very foundation of the Organization. Therefore, my Government, opposing vigorously any form of racial discrimination, cannot refrain from unequivocally condemning the apartheid policy as practised by the Government of the Republic of South Africa.
158. We also condemn other forms of racial discrimination and segregation practised by other Governments.
159. Experience during the last decade has shown, however, that mere verbal condemnation is totally inadequate to resolve this problem which is a blight on contemporary civilization. The resolutions of the Organization must go beyond mere rhetorical condemnation and must be in the form of concrete proposals for remedying the situation.
160. My Government now regards it as crucial that the United Nations should give serious consideration to the expulsion of the Republic of South Africa from the United Nations. For, having acted in derogation of the principles of the Charter, having denied to millions of Africans the basic human rights, and having disregarded the decisions of the United Nations, the Government of South Africa has forfeited its privilege of membership of the world Organization. We further propose that collective diplomatic and economic sanctions be taken against South Africa by Member States.
161. The United Nations deserves our deep appreciation for its attempt to maintain world peace and its work towards the economic growth of less developed countries. The Somali Government' gives its full support to the United Nations. We know that the amount of assistance which the United Nations can provide can only be in proportion to the financial and moral support which it receives from Member States.
162. The Organization came into existence at the end of the Second World War. The Charter of the United Nations was intended to achieve a lasting peace in a world which had just emerged from a destructive and merciless war. Since then, there has been an appreciable change in the international situation. The political colouring of the map of the world has changed considerably for the better. Many African and Asian territories have attained independence and are now Members of the Organization.
163. The Charter of the United Nations remains the same as it was in 1945. The United Nations is a living body and reflects the world political situation. Today there is great and urgent need to review and revise the Charter so that the various bodies of the United Nations will better reflect the composition of the General Assembly. The African-Asian Member States constitute nearly half the Members; yet in the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and other organs, they are not represented according to their numerical strength.
164. Any alteration in the administrative structure of the United Nations Secretariat intended to reflect the ideologies of different blocs would only destroy its effectiveness. We should remember that the United Nations Secretariat exists to serve the United Nations as a whole and not the interests of any particular bloc or State. Considering the various and diverse duties performed by the Secretariat, we must affirm that sound administrative principles induce us to believe that the executive body of the United Nations should continue under the direction of a single Secretary-General.
165. We hope that the African-Asian countries will be given proper representation on the staff of the Secretariat, especially in the key positions.
166. Despite the limited resources at its disposal, the United Nations has contributed greatly to the stability of the world. The United Nations has performed admirably in the Middle East, in the Far East and in the Congo. The Organization is a guarantee of the independence of the small and weak nations. Our responsibilities oblige us to strengthen the United Nations so that it can continue to perform the tasks expected of it.
167. Our attention should be directed to the possible need for revising Article 27 of the Charter. Whatever the original merits of confining the veto power to five Powers, we now regard the veto as an insurmountable barrier to the speedy settlement of serious international problems.
168. For the last several years the question of the admission of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations has been raised. This controversial issue is once again on the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly. I do not think it is appropriate to continue to ignore the existence of a Government which exercises sovereignty over a vast area of land inhabited by over 600 million people. My delegation fully supports the immediate admission of the People's Republic of China to the Organization.
169. The economic advancement of the less developed countries is a problem of collective responsibility which properly falls under the jurisdiction of the United Nations, particularly since the United Nations has as an important aim the improvement of the standard of living of all peoples in the world. World stability and peace, in large part, depend on the achievement of that aim.
170. Regarding the economic functions of the United Nations, I should like, to assert first of all the view that the Organization is the most suitable one through which aid can be channelled to the less developed countries, essentially because international aid through the United Nations eliminates the fear of undesirable political conditions which may be associated with certain types of unilateral assistance.
171. Since political independence and self-determination are so closely linked to economic and social advancement, it is obvious that the less developed areas in Africa and elsewhere desire, in fact require, the acceleration of disinterested aid and an increase in economic and technical assistance. A particular aspect of the struggle for independence in these countries is their eagerness to attain economic maturity in the briefest possible time.
172. The problem, in my view, lies in the manner in which assistance is distributed to the less developed countries. For no one here doubts the fact that political independence is an empty abstraction if it is not based on a strong and diversified national economy. Our aim should be to try to bridge the gap between the highly industrialized and the less developed countries by rapidly increasing economic and technical assistance.
173. We are delighted that at last the principle of channelling the greater part of aid to less developed countries through the United Nations is prevailing. Unilateral aid to less developed nations is always, as experience^ has demonstrated, more or less conducive to the imposition of political conditions on the recipient countries. As a substantial step towards the economic development of less developed countries the Assembly, at its last session, decided resolution
1521 (XV)] in principle, that a United Nations capital development fund should be established, and it resolved that a committee of twenty-five representatives of Member States should be set up to consider all concrete preparatory measures necessary to that end. We therefore urge that the extension requested by the committee be granted so that it may complete its work. In the meantime, we believe that the Committee should submit an interim report on the work thus far completed.
174. Finally, we rejoice to see Sierra Leone, an African sister-nation, being admitted [1018th meeting] to the Organization. We hope that very soon other African States also will take their seats amongst us.