I should like, in the first place, to take this opportunity to offer Mr. Slim my very warm congratulations upon his election to the high office of the Presidency of the General Assembly. For those who have had the privilege of knowing him and of working with him, his ejection is a cause for rejoicing. I feel that the General Assembly is fortunate to have the benefit of his experience, his devotion and his wisdom. I have no doubt he will carry out his great task with high distinction. Our good wishes go to him.
2. The sixteenth session, which assembled only a few days ago, began its work under exceptional circumstances. The Organization is deprived, at a highly critical moment, of its most vital driving force—of its chief, who had for many long years devoted his heart and soul to making it a truly operational and effective instrument for the preservation of peace and tile promotion of international understanding and co-operation. The Assembly is also confronted, directly or indirectly, with a series of acute international problems and situations accumulated during recent years: the breakdown in disarmament and nuclear test-ban talks and the consequent resumption of nuclear weapons tests, the situation in Berlin, in Laos and the Congo, to name only the most potentially explosive ones.
3. There can be little doubt that, as we meet now, the circumstances prevailing in the world are indeed grave. The international climate is literally and figuratively disturbed. The air we breathe is increasingly contaminated by unhealthy and dangerous materials, while international goodwill and amity have reached a low point and the angry words, invective and crude threats of possible resort to force and to the most appalling means of mass destruction, which have filled the air already for too long a time, give the impression that the world knows of no other way than to walk fatalistically toward an impending catastrophe.
4. In view of the present serious situation, it is indeed fortunate that we should gather here from all
parts of the globe to express our concern and perhaps also to outline the means each of us believes to be most appropriate to take us out of this perilous impasse. It is to be hoped that, by joining our efforts and the resources of our minds, we may eventually emerge from the deep morass into which the world has been drawn. For in this business of peace or war, of life or death, of preserving or jeopardizing our free and independent national existence, we cannot delegate to any nation or group of nations the authority to speak for us or to work for our salvation. The voice that speaks for our nation must come from our own people and the suggestions we may eventually contribute to the lessening or the solution of the difficulties must spring from the depth of our hearts and minds.
5. In this connexion, we feel indebted first of all to President Kennedy for presenting to us and to the world, in all candour and sincerity, the problems with which the world is faced. His speech in this Hall [1013th meeting] showed us the purposes for which we should work, the danger which would befall us if we fail, and the hope and promises of abetter and a more secure life if we succeed in our endeavours of building and strengthening world peace.
6. In spite of the gravity of the hour, we may perhaps detect signs which seem to indicate at this critical juncture that both Mr. Hammarskjold's death and the convening of the Assembly may have produced a sobering effect upon the tense world. The first event makes us think that if the late Secretary-General and some of his collaborators can sacrifice their lives for the cause of peace, it seems only decent on our part to do whatever we can, even without sacrificing our own life, to halt the drifting trend toward a major conflagration. On the other hand, the fact that most of the nations of the world are represented at this gathering, ready and willing to voice their opinion and perhaps their indignation, helps us to realize how close we are to the brink of an unprecedented disaster and that the sane approach is not to drive ahead into the precipice, but to pause and ponder, and veer off toward a more hopeful and secure path.
7. In this connexion, we cannot help thinking whether it would not be useful to set up what one might call a "watchdog committee" for world peace which would be within the United Nations framework but not necessarily inside the United Nations and would meet regularly all year round at a mutually-agreed site, in Berlin for instance, or at any other appropriate spot anywhere in the world. Such a committed might be composed or representatives of the five permanent members of the Security Council and five or more representatives from each continent—Asia, Africa, Europe and America. The term of service in the committee would be short, say one year, so as to allow a swift rotation among the various countries.
Finally, the nations elected to serve in that committee may or may not belong to the Organization.
8. The main task of such a body would be to discuss and deliberate on the acute problems confronting the world and to suggest or devise ways and means to prevent those problems from becoming a menace to peace and more especially from erupting into an international conflict. This committee, if accepted, would keep close contacts with the United Nations, other international agencies and organizations. It might make its recommendations directly to the parties concerned and, if necessary, it might serve as an intermediary between those involved in a dispute or other disagreements.
9. From this sketchy outline, it may be seen that such a body would be political in nature and character and its main purpose would be to set-up a much needed permanent machinery to take the heat off any international disputes or situations, thereby preventing them from reaching the boiling point, which might lead to direct clashes, and from developing into major conflicts. If this idea could be implemented, then there would be no necessity to set up some conferences, such as the one on Laos.
10. In making this suggestion, we are conscious of the fact that either the Security Council or the Assembly or both of them could have played the role envisaged for this proposed committee. However, I am sure all of us are aware of the impediments from which the Security Council presently suffers, as well as the fact that the Council's composition is far too restricted. Therefore, as long as the structure and the working procedure of the Security Council cannot be improved, it will continue to be hamstrung and cannot perform the functions which it is expected to perform. The Assembly, on its part, is perhaps too large a body and does not meet in permanence. It is not, therefore, equipped to accomplish the task which has just been outlined.
11. This suggestion, which has been made in all humility and flexibility, stems from the fact that we believe that - something important is needed, and, if by chance it proves to be worthwhile, the details of it may be worked out to suit the requirements of our time and the present and foreseeable future international situation. It may not be out of place to add that in advancing this simple suggestion, the intention is not to supplant the United Nations but rather to supplement it and the suggestion stems from the feeling that we should try to explore every possible avenue to relieve present international tension and to prevent it from getting out of manageable proportion.
12. In any case, there is no lack of realization on our part that present difficulties are weighty enough and that no suggestion and no device will work as a panacea and produce the miracle we all desire. However, with patience, tolerance and understanding and, above all, with dogged determination, we may perhaps hope to achieve some results.
13. If we were to go now a little deeper into the causes and origins of present world difficulties, we would, I think, unavoidably converge on a few basic facts.
14. From the point of view of procedure and methodology, there is a sad lack, as I just said, of a proper forum where divergences of opinions and interests can be vented at all time, thereby allowing the heat and steam to be let off instead of building up to the
point of explosion. This deficiency would be obviated if the suggestion I have offered of a high-level standing committee for world peace, or any variation thereof, I could be accepted and perhaps perfected to meet the requirements. Such a forum can perform a useful role not only as a meeting-ground of divergent ideas and interests, but it may also serve as a rendezvous where opposing sides may discuss and negotiate without having to make the apparently difficult effort of being the first to take the step of going to meet the other side.
15. Another fact which, I am sure, has not escaped the observation of the Assembly is the tendency of the world Powers to keep some burning issues between themselves, thereby risking direct head-on clashes. At the same time, the possibilities for negotiations are negated or greatly reduced by public statements that each side issues to set forth its position and also to appeal for outside support. These statements crystallize and sometimes petrify the positions of the parties and render any alteration or concession difficult, if not completely impracticable, without incurring the danger of losing face or prestige. On the other hand, while the Powers like to enlist moral support for their case or their thesis, they would not look with favour upon outside nations intervening to offer services or advice to settle the dispute. Therefore, whatever disinterested outsiders may occasionally and usefully do just cannot materialize.
16. The case I have in mind particularly is that of Berlin, which up till now has been officially kept out of the United Nations, with all the regrettable effects that we all know. Nevertheless, references have constantly been made in this Hall to that pressing question and there can be no doubt that the question of Berlin, together with that of German reunification, stands as a gloomy background to all our deliberations. On occasions unwarranted remarks have also been heard against certain countries involved in these problems. In our opinion, these observations are totally uncalled for, particularly when the wronged party is not represented in our midst and has no opportunity to reply and to give its side of the story.
17. However, since this session of the Assembly began there have been noticeable indications that opinions seem to have moved in a different direction. The problem may be brought from the narrow and un-manoeuvrable area into a wider forum where perhaps the United Nations may be able to play a helpful and beneficial role in preventing that grave situation from deteriorating still further.
18. This tendency is accentuated by recognition of the fact that after trying unsuccessfully the method of direct negotiations, somewhat outside the United Nations, the questions of disarmament, and more particularly that of the nuclear test ban, are brought back for discussion into this Organization. We can only hope that more concrete results may be achieved in the near future.
19. The present inclination to bring these pressing and acute problems into a larger arena seems natural and is encouraged by the major Powers themselves. It is natural because their effects will not be restricted to those who may be directly involved, but will spread far and wide. If peace were to be disrupted it would be difficult—I would say well nigh impossible—for most of us to escape the consequences. The disruption will be general and, in all likelihood, will affect practically every one, socialist or capitalist, East or West, committed or uncommitted—to use the official terminology so frequently heard in the Assembly,
20. On the other hand, if the major Powers show willingness to enlarge participation in the consideration of these problems, it is probably not because they desire a larger company but because in their wisdom, born in the midst of these difficulties, they realize that such problems have extensive ramifications and in spite of their military might and their economic power they need the weaker ones to help them out and especially to help them, even in small ways, to extricate themselves and the world from the entanglements into which modern, complex life has led them,
21. Our attitude in these matters Is simple and, I dare to think, realistic. Although the world is sharply disunited ideologically, materially and physically, it remains one and the same and, in spite of outstanding successes in outer space exploration and technology, there is as yet no way to escape for any appreciable length of time from this planet. Consequently, our efforts should be directed to smoothing out these divergences and working out some kind of accommodation which will enable each and everyone of us to live together without trying to destroy one another and, if possible, to co-operate positively and constructively for the general well-being and progress-.
22. When one speaks of disunity or division now existing in the present world, one thinks in particular of a distinct group which upholds a clearly defined ideology and doctrine and characterizes itself by a rigid discipline. As to the rest of the world, one can hardly find any precise demarcations which will make any individual grouping distinctive and self-contained from the others. Between the pa groupings runs a gamut of concepts, viewpoints and attitudes which vary in shades of opinions and frames, of mind, but never fundamentally, in any case, there is certainly no tight compartmenting between those groups; on the contrary there exist a marked fluidity and understandably constant displacements within a comparatively wide range, according to the circumstances and the merits of the case or situation.
23. What I just said applies particularly to my country, Thailand, which, according to present world practice, is labelled by some as a committed nation. The 25.5 million of my people, I am sure, will not disclaim such an attribution. For indeed we are committed as they say. We are committed, first, to the principles and purposes set forth in the United Nations Charter. We are committed, in the second place, to the preservation of our freedom and independence, which we have received as an age-old legacy from our forefathers. We are irrevocably committed to opposing any form of foreign domination exercised by one nation or group of nations over another, either in the form of classic colonialism or any other modern derivative or adoption thereof. We uphold the principle and practice of self-government, not only for Asians or Africans but for every people in the world, not excepting the more advanced peoples of Europe, including the Germans.
24. We are likewise committed to disapprove racialism and religious intolerance, which are so alien to our tradition and our way of life. We are committed to the maintenance of our national security and that of our region. Therefore, we shall always co-operate with those who genuinely intend to work toward the same end. Finally, we are committed to strive for
political, economic and social advancement of
our people. We shall spare no efforts to do so within our national boundaries and, beyond that, we shall work with other nations, near or far, to achieve mutually beneficial results for our respective peoples. Over and beyond that, we accept no other commitments.
25. It may appear to you too bold for a small nation to come out with such a clear-cut profession of faith. We do so—we have enunciated those commitments—at this moment of world uncertainty in the free, fearless and indomitable spirit of Asia. In the past we have stood by these commitments, as our record in the United Nations and our behaviour elsewhere will show, and we intend to do so in the futures.
26. Besides these more or less political commitments, there are in the life of the Thai people other moral values in which we have an abiding faith: among these are respect for the dignity and worth of the human person and, above all, the sense of gratitude. We are grateful to those who have done good to us without exacting any counterpart which may impair our freedom and independence. We feel a sense of gratefulness and moral obligation toward them, and we shall entertain the same feeling toward anyone who may treat us in the same disinterested and genuinely friendly manner. This does not mean, however, that we are committed to follow every footstep those nations may take. Our own conscience, our national interests and our age-old heritage of freedom and independence require that we preserve full and complete objectivity and independence in regard to any international issue with which my country may be directly or indirectly confronted. Therefore, our attitude shall conform to the principles which have already been mentioned.
27. As a consequence of the above, the Thai people and Government believe that what they can do as a small nation is primarily to keep our house in order, to ensure that every one of our law-abiding citizens shall enjoy unrestricted freedom in his or her pursuit of happiness and share ,n the task of national development which has been proceeding satisfactorily during the past two or three years. By so doing, we hope to contribute, even in a modest way, to avoid adding further complications in a world already beset with so many frictions and problems.
28. At the same time, realizing that our country cannot in isolation enjoy the benefits of peace and order while those around us become the scenes of strife and disturbances, the Thai Government and nation have sought to co-operate actively with all our neighbours, without exception, to enhance and promote the well-being of our respective peoples and, through our joint, free and voluntary efforts, to ensure for them a future of peace and progress. It is in this spirit that the Association of Southeast Asia was set up on 31 July 1961 on the basis laid down earlier by the President of the Philippines and the Prime Minister of the Federation of Malaya. The Bangkok Declaration issued on the occasion of the signing of the Accord says, in part:
"... the Association is in no way connected with any outside Power or Power bloc and is directed against no other country, but is essentially a free association of countries of South-East Asia having as its objectives the promotion, through joint endeavour, of the well-being and the economic , social and cultural progress of this region."
29. This declaration, I believe, embodies the new
spirit of Southeast Asia which, in the midst of distrust,
fears and conflicting interests, seeks to harmonize rather than divide, to build rather than destroy and to co-operate rather than merely to coexist peacefully or otherwise. It may be of interest to note that the three members of the ASA, namely, the Philippines, Malaya and Thailand, which compose the Association, have little in common either ethnically, historically or culturally. Two of the members, are Malay by origin, while Thailand is of Thai stock. Our religions are also different: the Philippines follows the Roman Catholic faith, while Malaya is Islamic and Thailand Buddhist. But in spite of these and other differences, we came to join together, bound by our faith in freedom and independence, and animated by the desire to see Asia follow a destiny of progress and prosperity through friendly and practical co-operation.
30. Our efforts are no doubt modest and regional in character; they are at the same time historic in our part of the world, which for too long has been divided and kept apart from one another by alien rulers. But we firmly believe that the concept of Asian solidarity will gain momentum and will be beneficial to each and every one of the components as well as to the world at large.
31. While persistent efforts are being deployed, as I described above, to unite and to create a new sense of solidarity and co-operation, others are being exerted to separate one people from another and, within the same nation, to estrange one group from another. To achieve the latter aim, various means, ranging from political propaganda to economic sanctions, have been and are being used. In certain cases force may be applied, which may lead anywhere, from local disturbances to seditious movements. At places where conditions are particularly favourable and national dissensions reach a high pitch internal struggles may be encouraged and the rebellious side may get prompt and adequate support, ranging from arms, equipment, cadres, technicians and money. The case in point, as you all know, is Laos which, from being the scene of an innocuous internal strife, has developed into a significant international problem. I may add that, while I am speaking—at this very moment—battles are raging in the Republic of Viet-Nam between the force of freedom and the force of disruption.
32. As to Laos, it is another problem which has been purposely kept outside the United Nations, even though its existence and its seriousness haunt many of our minds. Laos may be a small and remote country, far from both America and Europe, but Laos is a Victim of international politics, of the policy of expansion and domination, and there maybe other victims like it if not enough attention is paid to its case. Likewise, the Laos problem may loom insignificant in the international horizon; nevertheless, in that faraway kingdom, not only the fate, the freedom and the independence of one small nation will be decided, but also the future destiny of many other small nations which happen to form a very large majority in the Organization. If Laos is allowed to survive as a truly free and independent nation, then many of us of the ill nations will have cause to rejoice. For we should not be oblivious to the fact that larger entities, even though ravaged by war and conflicts, have a good chance to survive and recover; but smaller nations, once destroyed, will be for ever obliterated and erased from the map of the world.
33. That is why, we have no other course than to join together in support of peace, of a strong, united and effective United Nations, rather than a reflection of a divided and threatened world. For many of us$ it is no exaggeration to say that our status as independent nations is to a great extent measured by the Organization. If the United. Nations grows healthy and strong, our stature is enhanced; otherwise our voices will be so feeble that they will hardly be heard, This is the course now open to us. There is no doubt I as far as the Thai people are concerned, we 1 choose a strong, undivided and effective United Nations. Therein lie our national interests as well as the interests of a peaceful world.